Redistricting in Florida

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Redistricting in Florida
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General information
Current legislative control:
Republican
Congressional process:
State legislature
State legislature process:
State legislature
Total seats
Congress: 27
State Senate: 40
State House: 120
Redistricting in other states
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RedistrictingState-by-state redistricting proceduresState legislative and congressional redistricting after the 2010 Census
Redistricting is the process by which new congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn. Each of Florida's 27 United States Representatives and 160 state legislators are elected from political divisions called districts. United States Senators are not elected by districts, but by the states at large. District lines are redrawn every 10 years following completion of the United States Census. The federal government stipulates that districts must have nearly equal populations and must not discriminate on the basis of race or ethnicity.

Redistricting is a fiercely-contested issue, primarily due to gerrymandering, the practice of drawing district lines to favor one political party, individual or constituency over another. Two areas of contention include the following:

Competitiveness: Political parties or incumbents sometimes draw district lines for their benefit at the expense of proportionality and fair representation. Some argue that this practice contributes to the present lack of competitive elections. Uncompetitive elections can in turn discourage participation.[1]
Race and ethnicity: District lines sometimes minimize the influence of minority voters by disproportionately consolidating them within single districts or splitting them across several districts. These practices are examples of "packing" and "cracking," respectively.[1][2][3][4]
In Florida, the state legislature is responsible for drawing both congressional and state legislative district lines. Since 1930, Florida has gained additional congressional seats every 10 years.[5]

Background

See also: Redistricting

Federal law stipulates that all districts, whether congressional or state legislative, must meet two primary criteria.

  1. Equal population: According to All About Redistricting, federal law "requires that each district have about the same population: each federal district within a state must have about the same number of people [and] each state district within a state must have about the same number of people." Specific standards for determining whether populations are sufficiently equal vary for congressional and state legislative districts. See below for further details.[6]
  2. Race and ethnicity: Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 states that district lines must not dilute the voting power of racial or ethnic minority groups. This provision "applies whether the denial is intentional, or an unintended end result. Courts essentially test whether the way that districts are drawn takes decisive political power away from a cohesive minority bloc otherwise at risk for discrimination."[6]

In most states, the legislatures are primarily responsible for both congressional and state legislative redistricting. However, reformers argue that partisan legislators are incapable of establishing fair district lines because they have a vested interest in the outcome. Instead, reformers advocate using different redistricting processes, including independent commissions or electronic methods. Opponents of these reforms argue that alternative processes are less accountable to voters, subject to partisan abuse, and perhaps unconstitutional.

State requirements

"Gerrymandering"

In addition to the federal criteria noted above, individual states may impose additional requirements on redistricting. Common state-level redistricting criteria are listed below. Typically, these requirements are quite flexible.

  1. Contiguity refers to the principle that all areas within a district should be "physically adjacent." A total of 49 states require that districts of at least one state legislative chamber be contiguous. A total of 23 states require that congressional districts meet contiguity requirements.[6][7]
  2. Compactness refers to the general principle that "the distance between all parts of a district" ought to be minimized. The United States Supreme Court has "construed compactness to indicate that residents have some sort of cultural cohesion in common." A total of 37 states "require their legislative districts to be reasonably compact." A total of 18 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[6][7]
  3. A community of interest is a "group of people in a geographical area, such as a specific region or neighborhood, who have common political, social or economic interests." A total of 24 states require that the maintenance of communities of interest be considered in the drawing of state legislative districts. A total of 13 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[6][7]
  4. A total of 42 states require that state legislative district lines be drawn to account for political boundaries (e.g., the limits of counties, cities and towns). A total of 19 states require that similar considerations be made in the drawing of congressional districts.[6][7]

Congressional redistricting

According to Article 1, Section 4, of the United States Constitution, the states and their legislatures have primary authority in determining the "times, places and manner" of congressional elections. Congress may also pass laws regulating congressional elections. Section 4 explicitly vests the authority to regulate congressional elections with the legislative branches of the states and the federal government and not with the executive or judicial branches.[8][9]

The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.[10]

—United States Constitution

Article 1, Section 2, of the United States Constitution stipulates that congressional representatives be apportioned to the states on the basis of population. There are 435 seats in the United States House of Representatives. Each state is allotted a portion of these seats based on the size of its population relative to the other states. Consequently, a state may gain seats in the House if its population grows, or lose seats if its population decreases, relative to populations in other states. In 1964, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Wesberry v. Sanders that the populations of House districts must be equal "as nearly as practicable."[11][12][6]

The equal population requirement for congressional districts is strict. According to All About Redistricting, "any district with more or fewer people than the average (also known as the 'ideal' population), must be specifically justified by a consistent state policy. And even consistent policies that cause a 1 percent spread from largest to smallest district will likely be unconstitutional."[6]

State legislative redistricting

The United States Constitution is silent on the issue of state legislative redistricting. In the mid-1960s, the United States Supreme Court issued a series of rulings in an effort to clarify standards for state legislative redistricting. In Reynolds v. Sims, the court ruled that "the Equal Protection Clause [of the United States Constitution] demands no less than substantially equal state legislative representation for all citizens, of all places as well as of all races." According to All About Redistricting, "it has become accepted that a [redistricting] plan will be constitutionally suspect if the largest and smallest districts [within a state or jurisdiction] are more than 10 percent apart."

State process

See also: State-by-state redistricting procedures

In 37 states, legislatures are primarily responsible for drawing congressional district lines. Seven states have only one congressional district each, so congressional redistricting is not necessary. Four states employ independent commissions to draw the district maps. In two states, politician commissions draw congressional district lines.

State legislative district lines are primarily the province of the state legislatures themselves in 37 states. In seven states, politician commissions draw state legislative district lines. In the remaining six states, independent commissions draw the lines.[13]

In Florida, both congressional and state legislative district lines are drawn by the state legislature. Congressional lines are adopted as regular legislation and are subject to gubernatorial veto. State legislative lines are passed via joint resolution and are not subject to gubernatorial veto. State legislative district maps are automatically submitted to the Florida Supreme Court for approval. In the event that the court rejects the lines, the legislature is given a second chance to draft a plan. If the legislature cannot approve a state legislative redistricting plan, the state attorney general must ask the state supreme court to draft a plan. There are no similar procedures in place for congressional districts.[14]

The Florida Constitution requires that all districts, whether congressional or state legislative, be contiguous. Also, "where doing so does not conflict with minority rights, [districts] must be compact and utilize existing political and geographical boundaries where feasible." Districts cannot be drawn in such a way as to "favor or disfavor a political party or incumbent."[14][15]

District maps

Congressional districts

See also: United States congressional delegations from Florida
Click the above image to enlarge it.
Source: The National Atlas of the United States of America

Florida comprises 27 congressional districts. The map to the right depicts Florida's congressional district lines as drawn following the 2010 United States Census (this map applied to elections in 2012 and 2014; the map is currently the subject of litigation). The table below lists Florida's current House representatives.

Florida delegation to the United States House of Representatives
NamePartyPositionAssumed officeTerm ends
Alan GraysonDemocratic PartyDistrict 9 2013January 3, 2017
Alcee L. HastingsDemocratic PartyDistrict 20 1993January 3, 2017
Ander CrenshawRepublican PartyDistrict 4 2001January 3, 2017
Bill PoseyRepublican PartyDistrict 8 2009January 3, 2017
Carlos CurbeloRepublican PartyDistrict 26 2015January 3, 2017
Corrine BrownDemocratic PartyDistrict 5 1993January 3, 2017
Curt ClawsonRepublican PartyDistrict 19 2014January 3, 2015
Daniel WebsterRepublican PartyDistrict 10 2011January 3, 2017
David JollyRepublican PartyDistrict 13 2014January 3, 2017
Debbie Wasserman SchultzDemocratic PartyDistrict 23 2005January 3, 2017
Dennis A. RossRepublican PartyDistrict 15 2011January 3, 2017
Frederica S. WilsonDemocratic PartyDistrict 24 2011January 3, 2017
Gus M. BilirakisRepublican PartyDistrict 12 2007January 3, 2017
Gwen GrahamDemocratic PartyDistrict 2 2015January 3, 2017
Ileana Ros-LehtinenRepublican PartyDistrict 27 1989January 3, 2017
Jeff MillerRepublican PartyDistrict 1 2001January 3, 2017
John L. MicaRepublican PartyDistrict 7 1993January 3, 2017
Kathy CastorDemocratic PartyDistrict 14 2007January 3, 2017
Lois FrankelDemocratic PartyDistrict 22 2013January 3, 2017
Mario Diaz-BalartRepublican PartyDistrict 25 2011January 3, 2017
Patrick MurphyDemocratic PartyDistrict 18 2013January 3, 2017
Richard B. NugentRepublican PartyDistrict 11 2011January 3, 2017
Ron DeSantisRepublican PartyDistrict 6 2013January 3, 2017
Theodore E. DeutchDemocratic PartyDistrict 21 2010January 3, 2017
Ted YohoRepublican PartyDistrict 3 2013January 3, 2017
Thomas J. RooneyRepublican PartyDistrict 17 2009January 3, 2017
Vern BuchananRepublican PartyDistrict 16 2007January 3, 2017

State legislative maps

See also: Florida State Senate and Florida House of Representatives

Florida comprises 40 state Senate districts and 120 state House districts. State senators are elected every four years in partisan elections. State representatives are elected every two years in partisan elections. To access the state legislative district maps approved following the 2010 United States Census, click here.[16]

Competitiveness

There are conflicting opinions regarding the correlation between partisan gerrymandering and electoral competitiveness. Some critics contend that the dominant redistricting methods result in a lack of competitive elections. Jennifer Clark, a political science professor at the University of Houston, said, "The redistricting process has important consequences for voters. In some states, incumbent legislators work together to protect their own seats, which produces less competition in the political system. Voters may feel as though they do not have a meaningful alternative to the incumbent legislator. Legislators who lack competition in their districts have less incentive to adhere to their constituents’ opinions."[17]

Some question the impact of redistricting on electoral competitiveness. In 2006, Emory University professors Alan Abramowitz, Brad Alexander and Matthew Gunning wrote, "[Some] studies have concluded that redistricting has a neutral or positive effect on competition. ... [It] is often the case that partisan redistricting has the effect of reducing the safety of incumbents, thereby making elections more competitive."[18]

The individuals involved in redistricting must balance the desire for increased competitiveness with other principles that might conflict with that goal, such as compactness, contiguity, and maintaining communities of interest. For instance, it may at times be impossible to draw a competitive district that is both compact and preserves communities of interest.

In 2011, James Cottrill, a professor of political science at Santa Clara University, published a study of the effect of "non-legislative approaches" to redistricting on the competitiveness of congressional elections. Cottrill found that "particular types of [non-legislative approaches] encourage the appearance in congressional elections of experienced and well-financed challengers." Cottrill cautioned, however, that non-legislative approaches "contribute neither to decreased vote percentages when incumbents win elections nor to a greater probability of their defeat."[19]

Congress

CongressLogo.png
See also: Margin of victory analysis for the 2014 congressional elections

In 2014, Ballotpedia analyzed the margins of victory in all 435 contests for the United States House of Representatives. Ballotpedia found that the average margin of victory was 35.8 percent, compared to 31.8 percent in 2012. An election is deemed competitive if it was won by a margin of victory of 5 percent or less. A total of 318 elections (73 percent of all House elections) were won by margins of victory of 20 percent or more. Only 26 elections (6 percent of the total) were won by margins of victory of 5 percent or less. See the table below for further details.

Note: The data below are provided only for informational purposes. It should be noted that there are conflicting opinions regarding the correlation between redistricting and competitiveness. A variety of factors at the local, state and federal levels can impact electoral competitiveness.

In Florida, 22 elections for the United States House of Representatives were won by margins of victory of 20 percent or greater. The smallest margin of victory occurred in District 2, where Gwen Graham (D) won by 1.1 percent. Four representatives won by 100 percent margins of victory. The average margin of victory was 43.9 percent. See the table below for full details.

Electoral margins of victory in 2014 United States House of Representatives elections, Florida
District Winner Margin of victory Total votes cast Top opponent
District 1 Republican Party Jeff Miller 46.8% 235,343 James Bryan
District 2 Democratic Party Gwen Graham 1.1% 249,780 Steve Southerland II
District 3 Republican Party Ted Yoho 32.7% 228,809 Marihelen Wheeler
District 4 Republican Party Ander Crenshaw 62.6% 227,253 Paula Moser-Bartlett
District 5 Democratic Party Corrine Brown 30.9% 171,577 Gloreatha Scurry-Smith
District 6 Republican Party Ron DeSantis 25.1% 265,817 David Cox
District 7 Republican Party John Mica 31.5% 227,164 Wesley Neuman
District 8 Republican Party Bill Posey 31.7% 274,513 Gabriel Rothblatt
District 9 Democratic Party Alan Grayson 10.9% 173,878 Carol Platt
District 10 Republican Party Daniel Webster 23.1% 232,574 Michael Patrick McKenna
District 11 Republican Party Richard Nugent 33.3% 272,294 David Koller
District 12 Republican Party Gus Bilirakis 100% 0 Unopposed
District 13 Republican Party David Jolly 50.5% 223,576 Lucas Overby
District 14 Democratic Party Kathy Castor 100% 0 Unopposed
District 15 Republican Party Dennis Ross 20.6% 213,582 Alan Cohn
District 16 Republican Party Vern Buchanan 23.2% 274,829 Henry Lawrence
District 17 Republican Party Tom Rooney 26.5% 223,756 Will Bronson
District 18 Democratic Party Patrick Murphy 19.6% 253,374 Carl Domino
District 19 Republican Party Curt Clawson 31.8% 246,861 April Freeman
District 20 Democratic Party Alcee Hastings 63.2% 157,466 Jay Bonner
District 21 Democratic Party Ted Deutch 99.3% 153,970 W. Michael Trout
District 22 Democratic Party Lois Frankel 16.1% 216,096 Paul Spain
District 23 Democratic Party Debbie Wasserman Schultz 25.3% 164,788 Joe Kaufman
District 24 Democratic Party Frederica Wilson 76% 149,918 Dufirstson Julio Neree
District 25 Republican Party Mario Diaz-Balart 100% 0 Unopposed
District 26 Republican Party Carlos Curbelo 2.9% 161,337 Joe Garcia
District 27 Republican Party Ileana Ros-Lehtinen 100% 0 Unopposed

State legislatures

See also: Margin of victory in state legislative elections

In 2014, Ballotpedia conducted a study of competitive districts in 44 state legislative chambers between 2010 and 2012. Ballotpedia found that there were 61 fewer competitive general election contests in 2012 than in 2010. Of the 44 chambers studied, 25 experienced a net loss in the number of competitive elections. A total of 17 experienced a net increase. In total, 16.2 percent of the 3,842 legislative contests studied saw competitive general elections in 2010. In 2012, only 14.6 percent of the contests studied saw competitive general elections. An election was considered competitive if it was won by a margin of victory of 5 percent or less. An election was considered mildly competitive if it was won by a margin of victory between 5 and 10 percent. For more information regarding this report, including methodology, click here.

Note: These data are provided only for informational purposes. It should be noted that there are conflicting opinions regarding the correlation between redistricting and competitiveness. A variety of factors at the local, state and federal levels can impact electoral competitiveness.

There were 14 competitive elections for the Florida House of Representatives in 2012, compared to only four in 2010. There were 10 mildly competitive state House races in 2012, compared to only two in 2010. This amounted to a net gain of 18 competitive elections.

Partisan composition

The tables below summarize the current partisan composition of the Florida House of Representatives and the Florida State Senate.

House

SLP badge.png
Party As of May 2015
     Democratic Party 39
     Republican Party 81
Total 120

Senate

Party As of May 2015
     Democratic Party 14
     Republican Party 26
Total 40

Race and ethnicity

See also: Majority-minority districts

Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 mandates that electoral district lines cannot be drawn in such a manner as to "improperly dilute minorities' voting power."

No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color.[10]

—Voting Rights Act of 1965[20]

States and other political subdivisions may create majority-minority districts in order to comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. A majority-minority district is a district in which minority groups comprise a majority of the district's total population. As of 2013, Florida was home to nine congressional majority-minority districts.[2][3][4]

Proponents of majority-minority districts maintain that these districts are a necessary hindrance to the practice of "cracking." Cracking occurs when a constituency is divided between several districts in order to prevent it from achieving a majority in any one district. In addition, supporters argue that the drawing of majority-minority districts has resulted in an increased number of minority representatives in state legislatures and Congress.[2][3][4]

Critics, meanwhile, contend that the establishment of majority-minority districts results in "packing." Packing occurs when a constituency or voting group is placed within a single district, thereby minimizing its influence in other districts. Because minority groups tend to vote Democratic, critics argue that majority-minority districts ultimately present an unfair advantage to Republicans by consolidating Democratic votes into a smaller number of districts.[2][3][4]

Demographics

See also: Demographics of congressional districts as of 2013 and Demographics of congressional districts as of 2013 (as percentages)

The tables below provide demographic information for each of Florida's congressional districts as of 2013. At that time, the population of the largest congressional district, District 9, totaled 730,456, and the population of the smallest, District 5, totaled 694,661, which represented a difference of 5.2 percent.[21]

Demographics of Florida's congressional districts (as percentages)
District Hispanic White Black Native
American
Asian Pacific
Islander
Other Multiple
races
Florida 22.89% 57.23% 15.33% 0.21% 2.45% 0.05% 0.26% 1.58%
District 1 5.5% 74.5% 13.2% 0.5% 2.5% 0.1% 0.2% 3.5%
District 2 5.4% 65.9% 24.1% 0.4% 1.8% 0% 0.1% 2.1%
District 3 8% 73.3% 13.2% 0.3% 2.9% 0.1% 0.2% 2%
District 4 7.8% 71.8% 13.1% 0.3% 4.5% 0.1% 0.2% 2.3%
District 5 11.8% 31.2% 51.9% 0.2% 2.4% 0.1% 0.3% 2.1%
District 6 6.9% 79.9% 9.2% 0.2% 1.9% 0.1% 0.2% 1.5%
District 7 19.8% 66.4% 8.3% 0.1% 3.5% 0% 0.2% 1.8%
District 8 9.3% 76.9% 9.5% 0.3% 1.9% 0.1% 0.1% 2%
District 9 45.7% 38% 9.7% 0.2% 4.3% 0.1% 0.4% 1.7%
District 10 16.2% 65.7% 11.7% 0.2% 3.6% 0% 0.7% 1.8%
District 11 9% 79.9% 8.3% 0.3% 1.2% 0% 0.1% 1.2%
District 12 12.1% 79.2% 4.1% 0.2% 2.6% 0.1% 0.1% 1.6%
District 13 8.8% 80% 5.6% 0.2% 3.4% 0.1% 0.1% 1.7%
District 14 27.9% 41.5% 25.6% 0.2% 2.8% 0.1% 0.2% 1.8%
District 15 17.6% 64% 12.6% 0.2% 3.2% 0% 0.3% 2.1%
District 16 11.3% 79.1% 6.4% 0.2% 1.5% 0% 0.2% 1.2%
District 17 17.3% 70.8% 8.9% 0.2% 1.2% 0% 0.2% 1.3%
District 18 14.2% 70.1% 11.9% 0.2% 1.9% 0.1% 0.2% 1.4%
District 19 17.7% 72.2% 7.4% 0.2% 1.4% 0% 0.1% 1%
District 20 19.7% 24.8% 51.7% 0.2% 1.8% 0.1% 0.3% 1.5%
District 21 20.8% 61.5% 11.8% 0.2% 3.6% 0% 0.4% 1.7%
District 22 21% 64.5% 10.7% 0.1% 2% 0% 0.3% 1.3%
District 23 37.6% 46.5% 10.4% 0.2% 3.3% 0.1% 0.5% 1.4%
District 24 31.6% 12.3% 53.2% 0.1% 1.6% 0% 0.3% 0.9%
District 25 71% 19.7% 6.4% 0.1% 2% 0% 0.2% 0.6%
District 26 67.9% 20% 9.2% 0.1% 1.7% 0% 0.2% 0.8%
District 27 73.5% 17.9% 6.3% 0.1% 1.6% 0% 0.2% 0.5%
Source: United States Census Bureau, "2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates," accessed April 8, 2015
Demographics of Florida's congressional districts
District Hispanic White Black Native
American
Asian Pacific
Islander
Other Multiple
races
Total
Florida 4,369,920 10,926,354 2,925,982 40,699 467,119 10,104 49,709 301,269 19,091,156
District 1 39,297 529,613 93,588 3,852 17,581 881 1,107 24,524 710,443
District 2 37,894 461,605 169,125 2,949 12,945 268 992 15,013 700,791
District 3 56,177 514,545 92,950 1,862 20,691 422 1,437 14,002 702,086
District 4 54,953 506,263 92,646 2,016 31,401 592 1,345 16,230 705,446
District 5 81,778 216,653 360,536 1,699 16,328 570 2,419 14,678 694,661
District 6 48,678 564,879 65,187 1,486 13,188 635 1,708 10,917 706,678
District 7 138,981 466,859 58,362 967 24,567 277 1,256 12,340 703,609
District 8 64,799 537,443 66,445 1,837 13,163 414 1,039 14,073 699,213
District 9 333,611 277,219 70,742 1,235 31,357 898 3,143 12,251 730,456
District 10 115,003 467,924 83,637 1,711 25,559 346 5,103 12,588 711,871
District 11 63,035 560,523 57,994 2,032 8,525 233 650 8,546 701,538
District 12 84,871 556,535 28,659 1,690 18,193 451 1,019 11,371 702,789
District 13 61,693 558,322 38,780 1,558 23,917 553 1,034 11,842 697,699
District 14 198,687 296,280 182,537 1,203 19,642 559 1,722 12,516 713,146
District 15 124,305 452,345 89,368 1,595 22,576 320 1,780 14,849 707,138
District 16 79,643 559,104 45,027 1,467 10,943 241 1,560 8,755 706,740
District 17 121,880 498,124 62,735 1,739 8,587 165 1,747 8,985 703,962
District 18 98,877 488,756 83,275 1,073 12,918 425 1,660 9,924 696,908
District 19 125,641 513,136 52,385 1,548 9,936 31 934 6,993 710,604
District 20 140,498 177,292 368,970 1,382 12,752 408 2,476 10,481 714,259
District 21 148,062 438,648 84,474 1,130 25,394 240 3,204 11,782 712,934
District 22 148,550 455,497 75,678 801 14,209 274 2,317 8,880 706,206
District 23 268,496 332,124 74,250 1,439 23,662 502 3,364 9,936 713,773
District 24 221,503 86,295 372,545 462 11,245 82 2,224 6,360 700,716
District 25 500,821 139,200 44,866 409 14,256 18 1,467 4,071 705,108
District 26 490,123 144,192 66,473 1,068 12,400 247 1,736 5,484 721,723
District 27 522,064 126,978 44,748 489 11,184 52 1,266 3,878 710,659
Source: United States Census Bureau, "2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates," accessed April 8, 2015

Redistricting after the 2010 census

See also: Redistricting in Florida after the 2010 census

Congressional redistricting, 2010

Following the 2010 United States Census, Florida gained two congressional seats. In November 2010, voters approved two separate constitutional amendments establishing that congressional and state legislative districts must meet the following criteria (Amendment 6 applied to congressional districts; Amendment 5 applied to legislative districts):[22][23]

[Districts] may not be drawn to favor or disfavor an incumbent or political party. Districts shall not be drawn to deny racial or language minorities the equal opportunity to participate in the political process and elect representatives of their choice. Districts must be contiguous. Unless otherwise required, districts must be compact, as equal in population as feasible, and where feasible must make use of existing city, county and geographical boundaries.[10]

—Florida Division of Elections

On February 9, 2012, the Republican-held state legislature approved new congressional lines. On February 16, 2012, the plan was signed into law.

Romo v. Detzer

On February 9, 2012, the map's opponents filed suit "challenging the congressional plan on state constitutional grounds, including violations of state prohibitions on partisan and racial gerrymandering, and requirements of compactness and adherence to political boundaries." A lengthy legal battle ensued. On July 10, 2014, Florida Circuit Court Judge Terry P. Lewis found that "districts 5 and 10 were drawn in contravention" of the state constitution, "thus making the redistricting map unconstitutional as drawn." Lewis specified that Districts 5 and 10 "were the product of [prohibited] intent to benefit a political party or incumbent." Lewis required that only Districts 5 and 10 be redrawn (and any districts impacted by the redrawing of the aforementioned). The court ordered that the state legislature convene a special session to draft a new map.[24][25]

Republican political consultants or operatives did in fact conspire to manipulate and influence the redistricting process...They made a mockery of the Legislature’s proclaimed transparency and open process of redistricting by doing all of this in the shadow of that process, utilizing the access it gave them to the decision makers, but going to great lengths to conceal from the public their plan and their participation in it.[10]

—Judge Terry P. Lewis[26]

On August 22, 2014, Lewis approved the new map. The map's challengers appealed the newly-approved map, arguing that "the changes made by the legislature ... were superficial and did not cure the fundamental flaws" in the original map. The case is currently awaiting a decision by the Florida Supreme Court.[24][27]

Congressional elections in 2012 and 2014 took place under the congressional map approved in 2012. Provided the amended map stands, it will take effect in 2016.[24][28]

State legislative redistricting, 2010

On February 9, 2012, the state legislature approved a state legislative redistricting plan via joint resolution. The Florida Supreme Court approved the state House map, but rejected the state Senate map. The legislature revised the state Senate map on March 27, 2012, and it was approved the state supreme court.

League of Women Voters of Florida v. Detzner

On September 5, 2012, the League of Women Voters of Florida filed suit challenging the state Senate district map "on state constitutional grounds, including violations of state prohibitions on partisan gerrymandering, and requirements of compactness and adherence to political boundaries." The state filed a series of motions to dismiss in 2012 and 2013, but these were ultimately denied. The plaintiffs filed an amended complaint on April 15, 2015. As of May 2015, the case is awaiting a decision.[24]

Redistricting ballot measures

Voting on
elections and campaigns
Campaignsandelections.jpg
Ballot measures
By state
By year
Not on ballot
See also: Redistricting measures on the ballot and List of Florida ballot measures

Ballotpedia has tracked the following ballot measure(s) relating to redistricting in Florida.

  1. Florida Apportionment of Legislature, Amendment 2 (1944)
  2. Florida Bay and Washington Counties Senatorial District, Amendment 5 (1952)
  3. Florida Congressional District Boundaries, Amendment 6 (2010)
  4. Florida Legislative District Boundaries, Amendment 5 (2010)
  5. Florida Legislative Representation, Amendment 1 (1900)
  6. Florida Legislative Seats, Amendment 5 (1956)
  7. Florida Legislature Reapportionment, Amendment 1 (1959)
  8. Florida Legislature Redistricting, Amendment 1 (1962)
  9. Florida Legislature Redistricting, Amendment 1 (1964)
  10. Florida Legislature Size, Amendment 4 (1922)
  11. Florida Monroe County Senatorial District, Amendment 6 (1952)
  12. Florida Redistricting, Amendment 2 (1916)
  13. Florida Redistricting, Amendment 4 (1924)
  14. Florida Redistricting, Amendment 6 (1942)
  15. Florida Single-Member Districts and Reapportionment Commission, Amendment 3 (1978)
  16. Florida State Senate Redistricting, Amendment 3 (1948)

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See also

External links

Additional reading

References

  1. 1.0 1.1 All About Redistricting, "Why does it matter?" accessed April 8, 2015
  2. 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 Indy Week, "Cracked, stacked and packed: Initial redistricting maps met with skepticism and dismay," June 29, 2011
  3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 The Atlantic, "How the Voting Rights Act Hurts Democrats and Minorities," June 17, 2013
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 Redrawing the Lines, "The Role of Section 2 - Majority Minority Districts," accessed April 6, 2015
  5. Barone, M. & McCutcheon, C. (2013). The almanac of American politics 2014 : the senators, the representatives and the governors : their records and election results, their states and districts. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
  6. 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 All About Redistricting, "Where are the lines drawn?" accessed April 9, 2015
  7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 FairVote, "Redistricting Glossary," accessed April 9, 2015
  8. The Heritage Guide to the Constitution, "Election Regulations," accessed April 13, 2015
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