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Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1935
Roosevelt Administration Presidential Addresses  |
On Jan. 4, 1935, President Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered his second State of the Union.
The State of the Union tradition stems from the U.S. Constitution's requirement that the president “shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”[1] The first State of the Union address was given by George Washington to both houses of Congress in 1790.
The annual address was not officially known as the State of the Union until 1947, when Harry S. Truman adopted the title that had been used informally during the later years of Roosevelt’s presidency.[2] Before 1947, the address was officially referred to as the Annual Message.[3]
State of the Union address
Transcript
The following text is a transcript of Roosevelt's address, as prepared for delivery:
| “ |
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: The Constitution wisely provides that the Chief Executive shall report to the Congress on the state of the Union, for through you, the chosen legislative representatives, our citizens everywhere may fairly judge the progress of our governing. I am confident that today, in the light of the events of the past two years, you do not consider it merely a trite phrase when I tell you that I am truly glad to greet you and that I look forward to common counsel, to useful cooperation, and to genuine friendships between us. We have undertaken a new order of things; yet we progress to it under the framework and in the spirit and intent of the American Constitution. We have proceeded throughout the Nation a measurable distance on the road toward this new order. Materially, I can report to you substantial benefits to our agricultural population, increased industrial activity, and profits to our merchants. Of equal moment, there is evident a restoration of that spirit of confidence and faith which marks the American character. Let him, who, for speculative profit or partisan purpose, without just warrant would seek to disturb or dispel this assurance, take heed before he assumes responsibility for any act which slows our onward steps. Throughout the world, change is the order of the day. In every Nation economic problems, long in the making, have brought crises of many kinds for which the masters of old practice and theory were unprepared. In most Nations social justice, no longer a distant ideal, has become a definite goal, and ancient Governments are beginning to heed the call. Thus, the American people do not stand alone in the world in their desire for change. We seek it through tested liberal traditions, through processes which retain all of the deep essentials of that republican form of representative government first given to a troubled world by the United States. As the various parts in the program begun in the Extraordinary Session of the 73rd Congress shape themselves in practical administration, the unity of our program reveals itself to the Nation. The outlines of the new economic order, rising from the disintegration of the old, are apparent. We test what we have done as our measures take root in the living texture of life. We see where we have built wisely and where we can do still better. The attempt to make a distinction between recovery and reform is a narrowly conceived effort to substitute the appearance of reality for reality itself. When a man is convalescing from illness, wisdom dictates not only cure of the symptoms, but also removal of their cause. It is important to recognize that while we seek to outlaw specific abuses, the American objective of today has an infinitely deeper, finer and more lasting purpose than mere repression. Thinking people in almost every country of the world have come to realize certain fundamental difficulties with which civilization must reckon. Rapid changes—the machine age, the advent of universal and rapid communication and many other new factors—have brought new problems. Succeeding generations have attempted to keep pace by reforming in piecemeal fashion this or that attendant abuse. As a result, evils overlap and reform becomes confused and frustrated. We lose sight, from time to time, of our ultimate human objectives. Let us, for a moment, strip from our simple purpose the confusion that results from a multiplicity of detail and from millions of written and spoken words. We find our population suffering from old inequalities, little changed by vast sporadic remedies. In spite of our efforts and in spite of our talk, we have not weeded out the over privileged and we have not effectively lifted up the underprivileged. Both of these manifestations of injustice have retarded happiness. No wise man has any intention of destroying what is known as the profit motive; because by the profit motive we mean the right by work to earn a decent livelihood for ourselves and for our families. We have, however, a clear mandate from the people, that Americans must forswear that conception of the acquisition of wealth which, through excessive profits, creates undue private power over private affairs and, to our misfortune, over public affairs as well. In building toward this end we do not destroy ambition, nor do we seek to divide our wealth into equal shares on stated occasions. We continue to recognize the greater ability of some to earn more than others. But we do assert that the ambition of the individual to obtain for him and his a proper security, a reasonable leisure, and a decent living throughout life, is an ambition to be preferred to the appetite for great wealth and great power. I recall to your attention my message to the Congress last June in which I said: "among our objectives I place the security of the men, women and children of the Nation first." That remains our first and continuing task; and in a very real sense every major legislative enactment of this Congress should be a component part of it. In defining immediate factors which enter into our quest, I have spoken to the Congress and the people of three great divisions: 1. The security of a livelihood through the better use of the national resources of the land in which we live. 2. The security against the major hazards and vicissitudes of life. 3. The security of decent homes. I am now ready to submit to the Congress a broad program designed ultimately to establish all three of these factors of security —a program which because of many lost years will take many future years to fulfill. A study of our national resources, more comprehensive than any previously made, shows the vast amount of necessary and practicable work which needs to be done for the development and preservation of our natural wealth for the enjoyment and advantage of our people in generations to come. The sound use of land and water is far more comprehensive than the mere planting of trees, building of dams, distributing of electricity or retirement of sub-marginal land. It recognizes that stranded populations, either in the country or the city, cannot have security under the conditions that now surround them. To this end we are ready to begin to meet this problem—the intelligent care of population throughout our Nation, in accordance with an intelligent distribution of the means of livelihood for that population. A definite program for putting people to work, of which I shall speak in a moment, is a component part of this greater program of security of livelihood through the better use of our national resources. Closely related to the broad problem of livelihood is that of security against the major hazards of life. Here also, a comprehensive survey of what has been attempted or accomplished in many Nations and in many States proves to me that the time has come for action by the national Government. I shall send to you, in a few days, definite recommendations based on these studies. These recommendations will cover the broad subjects of unemployment insurance and old age insurance, of benefits for children, form others, for the handicapped, for maternity care and for other aspects of dependency and illness where a beginning can now be made. The third factor—better homes for our people—has also been the subject of experimentation and study. Here, too, the first practical steps can be made through the proposals which I shall suggest in relation to giving work to the unemployed. Whatever we plan and whatever we do should be in the light of these three clear objectives of security. We cannot afford to lose valuable time in haphazard public policies which cannot find a place in the broad outlines of these major purposes. In that spirit I come to an immediate issue made for us by hard and inescapable circumstance—the task of putting people to work. In the spring of 1933 the issue of destitution seemed to stand apart; today, in the light of our experience and our new national policy, we find we can put people to work in ways which conform to, initiate and carry forward the broad principles of that policy. The first objectives of emergency legislation of 1933 were to relieve destitution, to make it possible for industry to operate in a more rational and orderly fashion, and to put behind industrial recovery the impulse of large expenditures in Government undertakings. The purpose of the National Industrial Recovery Act to provide work for more people succeeded in a substantial manner within the first few months of its life, and the Act has continued to maintain employment gains and greatly improved working conditions in industry. The program of public works provided for in the Recovery Act launched the Federal Government into a task for which there was little time to make preparation and little American experience to follow. Great employment has been given and is being given by these works. More than two billions of dollars have also been expended in direct relief to the destitute. Local agencies of necessity determined the recipients of this form of relief. With inevitable exceptions the funds were spent by them with reasonable efficiency and as a result actual want of food and clothing in the great majority of cases has been overcome. But the stark fact before us is that great numbers still remain unemployed. A large proportion of these unemployed and their dependents have been forced on the relief rolls. The burden on the Federal Government has grown with great rapidity. We have here a human as well as an economic problem. When humane considerations are concerned, Americans give them precedence. The lessons of history, confirmed by the evidence immediately before me, show conclusively that continued dependence upon relief induces a spiritual and moral disintegration fundamentally destructive to the national fibre. To dole out relief in this way is to administer a narcotic, a subtle destroyer of the human spirit. It is inimical to the dictates of sound policy. It is in violation of the traditions of America. Work must be found for able-bodied but destitute workers. The Federal Government must and shall quit this business of relief. I am not willing that the vitality of our people be further sapped by the giving of cash, of market baskets, of a few hours of weekly work cutting grass, raking leaves or picking up .papers in the public parks. We must preserve not only the bodies of the unemployed from destitution but also their self-respect, their self-reliance and courage and determination. This decision brings me to the problem of what the Government should do with approximately five million unemployed now on the relief rolls. About one million and a half of these belong to the group which in the past was dependent upon local welfare efforts. Most of them are unable for one reason or another to maintain themselves independently—for the most part, through no fault of their own. Such people, in the days before the great depression, were cared for by local efforts—by States, by counties, by towns, by cities, by churches and by private welfare agencies. It is my thought that in the future they must be cared for as they were before. I stand ready through my own personal efforts, and through the public influence of the office that I hold, to help these local agencies to get the means necessary to assume this burden. The security legislation which I shall propose to the Congress will, I am confident, be of assistance to local effort in the care of this type of cases. Local responsibility can and will be resumed, for, after all, common sense tells us that the wealth necessary for this task existed and still exists in the local community, and the dictates of sound administration require that this responsibility be in the first instance a local one. There are, however, an additional three and one half million employable people who are on relief. With them the problem is different and the responsibility is different. This group was the victim of a nation-wide depression caused by conditions which were not local but national. The Federal Government is the only governmental agency with sufficient power and credit to meet this situation. We have assumed this task and we shall not shrink from it in the future. It is a duty dictated by every intelligent consideration of national policy to ask you to make it possible for the United States to give employment to all of these three and one half million employable people now on relief, pending their absorption in a rising tide of private employment. It is my thought that with the exception of certain of the normal public building operations of the Government, all emergency public works shall be united in a single new arid greatly enlarged plan. With the establishment of this new system we can supersede the Federal Emergency Relief Administration with a coordinated authority which will be charged with the orderly liquidation of our present relief activities and the substitution of a national chart for the giving of work. This new program of emergency public employment should be governed by a number of practical principles. (1) All work undertaken should be useful- not just for a day, or a year, but useful in the sense that it affords permanent improvement in living conditions or that it creates future new wealth for the Nation. (2) Compensation on emergency public projects should be in the form of security payments which should be larger than the amount now received as a relief dole, but at the same time not so large as to encourage the rejection of opportunities for private employment or the leaving of private employment to engage in Government work. (3) Projects should be undertaken on which a large percentage of direct labor can be used. (4) Preference should be given to those projects which will be self-liquidating in the sense that there is a reasonable expectation that the Government will get its money back at some future time. (5) The projects undertaken should be selected and planned so as to compete as little as possible with private enterprises. This suggests that if it were not for the necessity of giving useful work to the unemployed now on relief, these projects in most instances would not now be undertaken. (6) The planning of projects would seek to assure work during the coming fiscal year to the individuals now on relief, or until such time as private employment is available. In order to make adjustment to increasing private employment, work should be planned with a view to tapering it off in proportion to the speed with which the emergency workers are offered positions with private employers. (7) Effort should be made to locate projects where they will serve the greatest unemployment needs as shown by present relief rolls, and the broad program of the National Resources Board should be freely used for guidance in selection. Our ultimate objective being the enrichment of human lives, the Government has the primary duty to use its emergency expenditures as much as possible to serve those who cannot secure the advantages of private capital. Ever since the adjournment of the 73d Congress, the Administration has been studying from every angle the possibility and the practicability of new forms of employment. As a result of these studies I have arrived at certain very definite convictions as to the amount of money that will be necessary for the sort of public projects that I have described. I shall submit these figures in my budget message. I assure you now they will be within the sound credit of the Government. The work itself will cover a wide field including clearance of slums, which for adequate reasons cannot be undertaken by private capital; in rural housing of several kinds, where, again, private capital is unable to function; in rural electrification; in the reforestation of the great watersheds of the Nation; in an intensified program to prevent soil erosion and to reclaim blighted areas; in improving existing road systems and in constructing national highways designed to handle modern traffic; in the elimination of grade crossings; in the extension and enlargement of the successful work of the Civilian Conservation Corps; in non-Federal works, mostly self-liquidating and highly useful to local divisions of Government; and on many other projects which the Nation needs and cannot afford to neglect. This is the method which I propose to you in order that we may better meet this present-day problem of unemployment. Its greatest advantage is that it fits logically and usefully into the long-range permanent policy of providing the three types of security which constitute as a whole an American plan for the betterment of the future of the American people. I shall consult with you from time to time concerning other measures of national importance. Among the subjects that lie immediately before us are the consolidation of Federal regulatory administration over all forms of transportation, the renewal and clarification of the general purposes of the National Industrial Recovery Act, the strengthening of our facilities for the prevention, detection and treatment of crime and criminals, the restoration of sound conditions in the public utilities field through abolition of the evil features of holding companies, the gradual tapering off of the emergency credit activities of Government, and improvement in our taxation forms and methods. We have already begun to feel the bracing effect upon our economic system of a restored agriculture. The hundreds of millions of additional income that farmers are receiving are finding their way into the channels of trade. The farmers' share of the national income is slowly rising. The economic facts justify the widespread opinion of those engaged in agriculture that our provisions for maintaining a balanced production give at this time the most adequate remedy for an old and vexing problem. For the present, and especially in view of abnormal world conditions, agricultural adjustment with certain necessary improvements in methods should continue. It seems appropriate to call attention at this time to the fine spirit shown during the past year by our public servants. I cannot praise too highly the cheerful work of the Civil Service employees, and of those temporarily working for the Government. As for those thousands in our various public agencies spread throughout the country who, without compensation, agreed to take over heavy responsibilities in connection with our various loan agencies and particularly in direct relief work, I cannot say too much. I do not think any country could show a higher average of cheerful and even enthusiastic team-work than has been shown by these men and women. I cannot with candor tell you that general international relationships outside the borders of the United States are improved. On the surface of things many old jealousies are resurrected, old passions aroused; new strivings for armament and power, in more than one land, rear their ugly heads. I hope that calm counsel and constructive leadership will provide the steadying influence and the time necessary for the coming of new and more practical forms of representative government throughout the world wherein privilege and power will occupy a lesser place and world welfare a greater. I believe, however, that our own peaceful and neighborly attitude toward other Nations is coming to be understood and appreciated. The maintenance of international peace is a matter in which we are deeply and unselfishly concerned. Evidence of our persistent and undeniable desire to prevent armed conflict has recently been more than once afforded. There is no ground for apprehension that our relations with any Nation will be otherwise than peaceful. Nor is there ground for doubt that the people of most Nations seek relief from the threat and burden attaching to the false theory that extravagant armament cannot be reduced and limited by international accord. The ledger of the past year shows many more gains than losses. Let us not forget that, in addition to saving millions from utter destitution, child labor has been for the moment outlawed, thousands of homes saved to their owners and most important of all, the morale of the Nation has been restored. Viewing the year 1934 as a whole, you and I can agree that we have a generous measure of reasons for giving thanks. It is not empty optimism that moves me to a strong hope in the coming year. We can, if we will, make 1935 a genuine period of good feeling, sustained by a sense of purposeful progress. Beyond the material recovery, I sense a spiritual recovery as well. The people of America are turning as never before to those permanent values that are not limited to the physical objectives of life. There are growing signs of this on every hand. In the face of these spiritual impulses we are sensible of the Divine Providence to which Nations turn now, as always, for guidance and fostering care.[4] |
” |
| —President Franklin D. Roosevelt (D), Jan. 4, 1935 [5] | ||
Response to the State of the Union address
The first televised response to the state of the union was given in 1966. While opposition responses to the president's State of the Union address existed before then, they "came in the relatively ignored environment of the Senate or House Chamber or at local political events," and records documenting these events are largely unavailable.[6]
Designated survivor
Each year, a member of the president's Cabinet is chosen to stay in an undisclosed location outside of Washington, D.C. to assume the presidency in case of an attack on Congress, the president, and other high-ranking officials.
While designated survivors have been chosen since at least the 1960s, the federal government did not begin revealing the identity of the designated survivor to the public until 1984.[7]
Background
The following table provides a list of annual and other presidential addresses delivered to joint sessions of Congress between 1790 and 2025. It does not include inaugurations. Click the link in the Occasion or topic column to read more about each address. The information was compiled from the U.S. House of Representatives Office of the Historian.[8]
- President Woodrow Wilson (D), whose administration overlapped with World War I, delivered the most addresses: 23.
- President Franklin D. Roosevelt (D) followed with 19 addresses, which included a joint speech with the ambassador of France in 1934 and an address read before Congress on his behalf in 1945. World War II took place during his administration.
- President Harry S. Truman had the third-most addresses at 16. His administration covered the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War.
- Among presidents who served between 1981 and 2025, Presidents Ronald Reagan (R) and Barack Obama (D) delivered the most addresses with 11 and 10, respectively.
| Presidential addresses to joint sessions of Congress | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Date | Session of Congress | Occasion or topic | President and other speaking dignitaries | |
| March 4, 2025 | 119th Congress | Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| March 7, 2024 | 118th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. | |
| February 7, 2023 | 118th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. | |
| March 1, 2022 | 117th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. | |
| April 28, 2021 | 117th Congress | Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. | |
| Feb. 4, 2020 | 116th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| Feb. 5, 2019 | 116th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| Jan. 30, 2018 | 115th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| Feb. 28, 2017 | 115th Congress | Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| Jan. 12, 2016 | 114th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 20, 2015 | 114th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 28, 2014 | 113th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Feb. 12, 2013 | 113th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 24, 2012 | 112th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Sept. 8, 2011 | 112th Congress | Address on American Jobs Act | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 25, 2011 | 112th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 27, 2010 | 111th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Sept. 8, 2009 | 111th Congress | Address on Health Care Reform | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Feb. 24, 2009 | 111th Congress | Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 28, 2008 | 110th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush | |
| Jan. 23, 2007 | 110th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush | |
| Jan. 31, 2006 | 109th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush | |
| Feb. 2, 2005 | 109th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush | |
| Jan. 20, 2004 | 108th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush. | |
| Jan. 28, 2003 | 108th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush. | |
| Jan. 29, 2002 | 107th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush. | |
| Sept. 20, 2001 | 107th Congress | Address on the War on Terrorism | President George W. Bush. | |
| Feb. 27, 2001 | 107th Congress | Budget Message | President George W. Bush. | |
| Jan. 27, 2000 | 106th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 19, 1999 | 106th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 27, 1998 | 105th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Feb. 4, 1997 | 105th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 23, 1996 | 104th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 24, 1995 | 104th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 25, 1994 | 103rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Sept. 22, 1993 | 103rd Congress | Address on Health Care Reform | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Feb. 17, 1993 | 103rd Congress | Economic Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 28, 1992 | 102nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President George Bush. | |
| Mar. 6, 1991 | 102nd Congress | Conclusion of Persian Gulf War | President George Bush. | |
| Jan. 29, 1991 | 102nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President George Bush. | |
| Sept. 11, 1990 | 101st Congress | Invasion of Kuwait by Iraq | President George Bush. | |
| Jan. 31, 1990 | 101st Congress | State of the Union Address | President George Bush. | |
| Feb. 9, 1989 | 101st Congress | Address on Building a Better America | President George Bush. | |
| Jan. 25, 1988 | 100th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 27, 1987 | 100th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Feb. 4, 1986 | 99th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Nov. 21, 1985 | 99th Congress | Address on Geneva Summit | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Feb. 6, 1985 | 99th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 25, 1984 | 98th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Apr. 27, 1983 | 98th Congress | Address on Central America | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 25, 1983 | 98th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 26, 1982 | 97th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Apr. 28, 1981 | 97th Congress | Address on Economic Recovery--inflation | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Feb. 18, 1981 | 97th Congress | Address on Economic Recovery | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 23, 1980 | 96th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| June 18, 1979 | 96th Congress | Address on Salt II agreements | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| Jan. 23, 1979 | 96th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| Sept. 18, 1978 | 95th Congress | Address on Middle East Peace agreements | President Jimmy Carter; Joint session attended by Anwar El Sadat, President of Egypt, and by Menachem Begin, Prime Minister of Israel. | |
| Jan. 19, 1978 | 95th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| Apr. 20, 1977 | 95th Congress | Address on Energy | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| Jan. 12, 1977 | 95th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Jan. 19, 1976 | 94th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Apr. 10, 1975 | 94th Congress | Address on State of the World | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Jan. 15, 1975 | 94th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Oct. 8, 1974 | 93rd Congress | Address on the Economy | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Aug. 12, 1974 | 93rd Congress | Assumption of office | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Jan. 30 1974 | 93rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| June 1, 1972 | 92nd Congress | Address on Europe trip | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Jan. 20, 1972 | 92nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Sept. 9, 1971 | 92nd Congress | Address on Economic policy | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Jan. 22, 1971 | 92nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Jan. 22, 1970 | 91st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Jan. 14, 1969 | 91st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 17, 1968 | 90th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 10, 1967 | 90th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 12, 1966 | 89th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Mar. 15, 1965 | 89th Congress | Voting rights | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 4, 1965 | 89th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 8, 1964 | 88th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Nov. 27, 1963 | 88th Congress | Assumption of office | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 14, 1963 | 88th Congress | State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy. | |
| Jan. 11, 1962 | 87th Congress | State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy. | |
| May 25, 1961 | 87th Congress | Urgent national needs: foreign aid, defense, civil defense, and outer space | President John F. Kennedy. | |
| Jan. 30, 1961 | 87th Congress | State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy. | |
| Jan. 7, 1960 | 86th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 9, 1959 | 86th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 9, 1958 | 85th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 10, 1957 | 85th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 5, 1957 | 85th Congress | Address on the Middle East | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 6, 1955 | 84th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 7, 1954 | 83rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Feb. 2, 1953 | 83rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| June 10, 1952 | 82nd Congress | Address on Steel Strike | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 9, 1952 | 82nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 8, 1951 | 82nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 4, 1950 | 81st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 5, 1949 | 81st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| July 27, 1948 | 80th Congress | Address on inflation, housing, and civil rights | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Apr. 19, 1948 | 80th Congress | Address on 50th anniversary, liberation of Cuba | President Harry S. Truman; Guillermo Belt, Ambassador of Cuba. | |
| Mar. 17, 1948 | 80th Congress | National security and conditions in Europe | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 7, 1948 | 80th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Nov. 17, 1947 | 80th Congress | Address on Aid to Europe | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Mar. 12, 1947 | 80th Congress | Address on Greek-Turkish aid policy | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 6, 1947 | 80th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| May 25, 1946 | 79th Congress | Address on Railroad Strike | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Oct. 23, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Universal Military Training | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| May 21, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Bestowal of Congressional Medal of Honor to Tech. Sgt. Jake William Lindsey | General George C. Marshall, Chief of Staff, U.S. Army; President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Apr. 16, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Assumption of Office and War | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Mar. 1, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Yalta Conference | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 6, 1945 | 79th Congress | Annual Message | President Roosevelt was not present. His message was read before the Joint Session of Congress. | |
| Jan. 11, 1944 | 78th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 7, 1943 | 78th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 6, 1942 | 77th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Dec. 8, 1941 | 77th Congress | Address on the "Day of Infamy" | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 6, 1941 | 77th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| May 16, 1940 | 76th Congress | Address on National Defense | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 3, 1940 | 76th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Sept. 21, 1939 | 76th Congress | Address on Neutrality | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Mar. 4, 1939 | 76th Congress | Address on Sesquicentennial of the 1st Congress | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 4, 1939 | 76th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 3, 1938 | 75th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 6, 1937 | 75th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 3, 1936 | 74th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| May 22, 1935 | 74th Congress | Address on Budget Bill Veto | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 4, 1935 | 74th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| May 20, 1934 | 73rd Congress | Address on 100th anniversary of the death of the Marquis de Lafayette | Andre de Laboulaye, Ambassador of France; President Franklin Delano Roosevelt; ceremony attended by Count de Chambrun, great-grandson of Lafayette. | |
| Jan. 3, 1934 | 73rd Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Feb. 22, 1932 | 72nd Congress | Address on bicentennial of George Washington's birth | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 6, 1932 | 72nd Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 8, 1931 | 72nd Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 2, 1930 | 71st Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 3, 1929 | 71st Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 4, 1928 | 70th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Feb. 22, 1927 | 70th Congress | Address on upcoming George Washington birthday bicentennial | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 6, 1927 | 70th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 6, 1926 | 69th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 8, 1925 | 69th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 6, 1924 | 68th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 3, 1923 | 68th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Feb. 7, 1923 | 67th Congress | Address on British debt due to the United States | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Dec. 8, 1922 | 67th Congress | Annual Message | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Nov. 21, 1922 | 67th Congress | Address on promotion of the American Merchant Marine | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Aug. 18, 1922 | 67th Congress | Address on coal and railroad strikes | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Feb. 28, 1922 | 67th Congress | Address on maintenance of the Merchant Marine | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Dec. 6, 1921 | 67th Congress | Annual Message | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Apr. 12, 1921 | 67th Congress | Federal problem message | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Aug. 8, 1919 | 66th Congress | Cost of living message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 2, 1918 | 65th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Nov. 11, 1918 | 65th Congress | Terms of armistice signed by Germany | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| May 27, 1918 | 65th Congress | War finance message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Feb. 11, 1918 | 65th Congress | Peace message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Jan. 8, 1918 | 65th Congress | Program for world's peace | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Jan. 4, 1918 | 65th Congress | Federal operation of transportation systems | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 4, 1917 | 65th Congress | Annual Message/War with Austria-Hungary | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Apr. 2, 1917 | 65th Congress | War with Germany | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Feb. 26, 1917 | 64th Congress | Arming of merchant ships | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Feb. 3, 1917 | 64th Congress | Severing diplomatic relations with Germany | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 5, 1916 | 64th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Aug. 29, 1916 | 64th Congress | Railroad message (labor-management dispute) | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 7, 1915 | 64th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 8, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Sept. 4, 1914 | 63rd Congress | War tax message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Apr. 20, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Mexico message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Mar. 5, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Panama Canal tolls | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Jan. 20, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Trusts message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 2, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Aug. 27, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Mexican affairs message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| June 23, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Currency and bank reform message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Apr. 8, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Tariff message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Nov. 22, 1800 | 6th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. | |
| Dec. 3, 1799 | 6th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. | |
| Dec. 8, 1798 | 5th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. | |
| Nov. 23, 1797 | 5th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. | |
| May 16, 1797 | 5th Congress | Relations with France | President John Adams. | |
| Dec. 7, 1796 | 4th Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Dec. 8, 1795 | 4th Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Nov. 19, 1794 | 3rd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Dec. 3, 1793 | 3rd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Nov. 6, 1792 | 2nd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Oct. 25, 1791 | 2nd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Dec. 8, 1790 | 1st Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Jan. 8, 1790 | 1st Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
Footnotes
- ↑ Congressional Research Service, "The President’s State of the Union Address: Tradition, Function, and Policy Implications," accessed February 3, 2020
- ↑ CNN, "Harry Truman delivered the first ever State of the Union. (Really.)," Feb. 5, 2019
- ↑ History, Art & Archives of the United States House of Representatives, "State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 28, 2022
- ↑ Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
- ↑ The American Presidency Project, “Annual Message to the Congress,” Jan. 4, 1935
- ↑ United States Senate, "Opposition Response to the State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 25, 2022
- ↑ United States Senate, "Cabinet Members Who Did Not Attend the State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 23, 2022.
- ↑ United States House of Representatives, "Joint Meetings, Joint Sessions, & Inaugurations," accessed June 14, 2021
