Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union Address, 1941
Roosevelt Administration Presidential Addresses  |
On Jan. 6, 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered his eighth State of the Union.
The State of the Union tradition stems from the U.S. Constitution's requirement that the president “shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”[1] The first State of the Union address was given by George Washington to both houses of Congress in 1790.
The annual address was not officially known as the State of the Union until 1947, when Harry S. Truman adopted the title that had been used informally during the later years of Roosevelt’s presidency.[2] Before 1947, the address was officially referred to as the Annual Message.[3]
The 1941 address is often known as the "Four Freedoms" speech because of its outlining of four rights that represented the nation's aims in World War II. Those rights were "the freedom of speech, the freedom of worship, the freedom from want, and the freedom from fear."[4]
State of the Union address
Video
A full video recording of the address is unavailable. The following is an excerpt:
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Audio
The following is a recording of the original radio broadcast:
Transcript
The following text is a transcript of Roosevelt's address, as prepared for delivery:
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Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress: I address you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today. Since the permanent formation of our Government under the Constitution, in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. Fortunately, only one of these—the four-year War Between the States—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, one hundred and thirty million Americans, in forty-eight States, have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity. It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by events in other Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence. What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained clear, definite opposition, to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas. That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain, nor any other nation, was aiming at domination of the whole world. In like fashion from 1815 to 1914— ninety-nine years— no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation. Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this Hemisphere; and the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength. It is still a friendly strength. Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But, as time went on, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy. We need not overemphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of "pacification" which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny. Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being' directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small. Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of the Union," I find it, unhappily, necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders. Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will be dominated by the conquerors. Let us remember that the total of those populations and their resources in those four continents greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-many times over. In times like these it is immature—and incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world. No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. "Those, who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety." As a nation, we may take pride in the fact that we are softhearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests. I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war. There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate. But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe-particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and their dupes- and great numbers of them are already here, and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they-not we—will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack. That is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the Executive Branch of the Government and every member of the Congress faces great responsibility and great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency. Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end. Our national policy is this: First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense. Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere. By this support, we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation. Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom. In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. Today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger. Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time; in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and in some cases—and I am sorry to say very important cases—we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans. The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow. I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done. No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations: We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up. We are ahead of schedule in building warships but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule. To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, and new ship ways must first be constructed before the actual materiel begins to flow steadily and speedily from them. The Congress, of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence. New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun. I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need man power, but they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense. The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender, merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have. I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons—a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. Nearly all their materiel would, if the time ever came, be useful for our own defense. Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who by their determined and heroic resistance are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense. For what we send abroad, we shall be repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, in similar materials, or, at our option, in other goods of many kinds, which they can produce and which we need. Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge." In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be. When the dictators, if the dictators, are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance, and, therefore, becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The Nation's hands must not be tied when the Nation's life is in danger. We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations must give way to the national need. A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups. The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and, if that fails, to use the sovereignty of Government to save Government. As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth fighting for. The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect. Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are: Equality of opportunity for youth and for others. Jobs for those who can work. Security for those who need it. The ending of special privilege for the few. The preservation of civil liberties for all. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations. Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples: We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance. We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care. We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it. I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation. If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause. In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world. The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants-everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world. That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb. To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear. Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick-lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society. This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose. To that high concept there can be no end save victory.[5] |
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| —President Franklin D. Roosevelt (D), Jan. 6, 1941 [6] | ||
Response to the State of the Union address
The first televised response to the state of the union was given in 1966. While opposition responses to the president's State of the Union address existed before then, they "came in the relatively ignored environment of the Senate or House Chamber or at local political events," and records documenting these events are largely unavailable.[7]
Designated survivor
Each year, a member of the president's Cabinet is chosen to stay in an undisclosed location outside of Washington, D.C. to assume the presidency in case of an attack on Congress, the president, and other high-ranking officials.
While designated survivors have been chosen since at least the 1960s, the federal government did not begin revealing the identity of the designated survivor to the public until 1984.[8]
Background
The following table provides a list of annual and other presidential addresses delivered to joint sessions of Congress between 1790 and 2026. It does not include inaugurations. Click the link in the Occasion or topic column to read more about each address. The information was compiled from the U.S. House of Representatives Office of the Historian.[9]
- President Woodrow Wilson (D), whose administration overlapped with World War I, delivered the most addresses: 23.
- President Franklin D. Roosevelt (D) followed with 19 addresses, which included a joint speech with the ambassador of France in 1934 and an address read before Congress on his behalf in 1945. World War II took place during his administration.
- President Harry S. Truman had the third-most addresses at 16. His administration covered the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War.
- Among presidents who served between 1981 and 2026, Presidents Ronald Reagan (R) and Barack Obama (D) delivered the most addresses with 11 and 10, respectively.
| Date | Session of Congress | Occasion or topic | President and other speaking dignitaries |
|---|---|---|---|
| February 24, 2026 | 119th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump |
| March 4, 2025 | 119th Congress | Address | President Donald J. Trump |
| March 7, 2024 | 118th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. |
| February 7, 2023 | 118th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. |
| March 1, 2022 | 117th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. |
| April 28, 2021 | 117th Congress | Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. |
| Feb. 4, 2020 | 116th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump |
| Feb. 5, 2019 | 116th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump |
| Jan. 30, 2018 | 115th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump |
| Feb. 28, 2017 | 115th Congress | Address | President Donald J. Trump |
| Jan. 12, 2016 | 114th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama |
| Jan. 20, 2015 | 114th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama |
| Jan. 28, 2014 | 113th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama |
| Feb. 12, 2013 | 113th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama |
| Jan. 24, 2012 | 112th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama |
| Sept. 8, 2011 | 112th Congress | Address on American Jobs Act | President Barack H. Obama |
| Jan. 25, 2011 | 112th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama |
| Jan. 27, 2010 | 111th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama |
| Sept. 8, 2009 | 111th Congress | Address on Health Care Reform | President Barack H. Obama |
| Feb. 24, 2009 | 111th Congress | Address | President Barack H. Obama |
| Jan. 28, 2008 | 110th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush |
| Jan. 23, 2007 | 110th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush |
| Jan. 31, 2006 | 109th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush |
| Feb. 2, 2005 | 109th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush |
| Jan. 20, 2004 | 108th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush. |
| Jan. 28, 2003 | 108th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush. |
| Jan. 29, 2002 | 107th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush. |
| Sept. 20, 2001 | 107th Congress | Address on the War on Terrorism | President George W. Bush. |
| Feb. 27, 2001 | 107th Congress | Budget Message | President George W. Bush. |
| Jan. 27, 2000 | 106th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. |
| Jan. 19, 1999 | 106th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. |
| Jan. 27, 1998 | 105th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. |
| Feb. 4, 1997 | 105th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. |
| Jan. 23, 1996 | 104th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. |
| Jan. 24, 1995 | 104th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. |
| Jan. 25, 1994 | 103rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. |
| Sept. 22, 1993 | 103rd Congress | Address on Health Care Reform | President William J. Clinton. |
| Feb. 17, 1993 | 103rd Congress | Economic Address | President William J. Clinton. |
| Jan. 28, 1992 | 102nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President George Bush. |
| Mar. 6, 1991 | 102nd Congress | Conclusion of Persian Gulf War | President George Bush. |
| Jan. 29, 1991 | 102nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President George Bush. |
| Sept. 11, 1990 | 101st Congress | Invasion of Kuwait by Iraq | President George Bush. |
| Jan. 31, 1990 | 101st Congress | State of the Union Address | President George Bush. |
| Feb. 9, 1989 | 101st Congress | Address on Building a Better America | President George Bush. |
| Jan. 25, 1988 | 100th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Jan. 27, 1987 | 100th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Feb. 4, 1986 | 99th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Nov. 21, 1985 | 99th Congress | Address on Geneva Summit | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Feb. 6, 1985 | 99th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Jan. 25, 1984 | 98th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Apr. 27, 1983 | 98th Congress | Address on Central America | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Jan. 25, 1983 | 98th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Jan. 26, 1982 | 97th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Apr. 28, 1981 | 97th Congress | Address on Economic Recovery--inflation | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Feb. 18, 1981 | 97th Congress | Address on Economic Recovery | President Ronald Reagan. |
| Jan. 23, 1980 | 96th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter. |
| June 18, 1979 | 96th Congress | Address on Salt II agreements | President Jimmy Carter. |
| Jan. 23, 1979 | 96th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter. |
| Sept. 18, 1978 | 95th Congress | Address on Middle East Peace agreements | President Jimmy Carter; Joint session attended by Anwar El Sadat, President of Egypt, and by Menachem Begin, Prime Minister of Israel. |
| Jan. 19, 1978 | 95th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter. |
| Apr. 20, 1977 | 95th Congress | Address on Energy | President Jimmy Carter. |
| Jan. 12, 1977 | 95th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford. |
| Jan. 19, 1976 | 94th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford. |
| Apr. 10, 1975 | 94th Congress | Address on State of the World | President Gerald R. Ford. |
| Jan. 15, 1975 | 94th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford. |
| Oct. 8, 1974 | 93rd Congress | Address on the Economy | President Gerald R. Ford. |
| Aug. 12, 1974 | 93rd Congress | Assumption of office | President Gerald R. Ford. |
| Jan. 30 1974 | 93rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. |
| June 1, 1972 | 92nd Congress | Address on Europe trip | President Richard M. Nixon. |
| Jan. 20, 1972 | 92nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. |
| Sept. 9, 1971 | 92nd Congress | Address on Economic policy | President Richard M. Nixon. |
| Jan. 22, 1971 | 92nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. |
| Jan. 22, 1970 | 91st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. |
| Jan. 14, 1969 | 91st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. |
| Jan. 17, 1968 | 90th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. |
| Jan. 10, 1967 | 90th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. |
| Jan. 12, 1966 | 89th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. |
| Mar. 15, 1965 | 89th Congress | Voting rights | President Lyndon B. Johnson. |
| Jan. 4, 1965 | 89th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. |
| Jan. 8, 1964 | 88th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. |
| Nov. 27, 1963 | 88th Congress | Assumption of office | President Lyndon B. Johnson. |
| Jan. 14, 1963 | 88th Congress | State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy. |
| Jan. 11, 1962 | 87th Congress | State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy. |
| May 25, 1961 | 87th Congress | Urgent national needs: foreign aid, defense, civil defense, and outer space | President John F. Kennedy. |
| Jan. 30, 1961 | 87th Congress | State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy. |
| Jan. 7, 1960 | 86th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. |
| Jan. 9, 1959 | 86th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. |
| Jan. 9, 1958 | 85th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. |
| Jan. 10, 1957 | 85th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. |
| Jan. 5, 1957 | 85th Congress | Address on the Middle East | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. |
| Jan. 6, 1955 | 84th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. |
| Jan. 7, 1954 | 83rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. |
| Feb. 2, 1953 | 83rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. |
| June 10, 1952 | 82nd Congress | Address on Steel Strike | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Jan. 9, 1952 | 82nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Jan. 8, 1951 | 82nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Jan. 4, 1950 | 81st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Jan. 5, 1949 | 81st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. |
| July 27, 1948 | 80th Congress | Address on inflation, housing, and civil rights | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Apr. 19, 1948 | 80th Congress | Address on 50th anniversary, liberation of Cuba | President Harry S. Truman; Guillermo Belt, Ambassador of Cuba. |
| Mar. 17, 1948 | 80th Congress | National security and conditions in Europe | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Jan. 7, 1948 | 80th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Nov. 17, 1947 | 80th Congress | Address on Aid to Europe | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Mar. 12, 1947 | 80th Congress | Address on Greek-Turkish aid policy | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Jan. 6, 1947 | 80th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. |
| May 25, 1946 | 79th Congress | Address on Railroad Strike | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Oct. 23, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Universal Military Training | President Harry S. Truman. |
| May 21, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Bestowal of Congressional Medal of Honor to Tech. Sgt. Jake William Lindsey | General George C. Marshall, Chief of Staff, U.S. Army; President Harry S. Truman. |
| Apr. 16, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Assumption of Office and War | President Harry S. Truman. |
| Mar. 1, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Yalta Conference | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 6, 1945 | 79th Congress | Annual Message | President Roosevelt was not present. His message was read before the Joint Session of Congress. |
| Jan. 11, 1944 | 78th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 7, 1943 | 78th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 6, 1942 | 77th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Dec. 8, 1941 | 77th Congress | Address on the "Day of Infamy" | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 6, 1941 | 77th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| May 16, 1940 | 76th Congress | Address on National Defense | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 3, 1940 | 76th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Sept. 21, 1939 | 76th Congress | Address on Neutrality | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Mar. 4, 1939 | 76th Congress | Address on Sesquicentennial of the 1st Congress | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 4, 1939 | 76th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 3, 1938 | 75th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 6, 1937 | 75th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 3, 1936 | 74th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| May 22, 1935 | 74th Congress | Address on Budget Bill Veto | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Jan. 4, 1935 | 74th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| May 20, 1934 | 73rd Congress | Address on 100th anniversary of the death of the Marquis de Lafayette | Andre de Laboulaye, Ambassador of France; President Franklin Delano Roosevelt; ceremony attended by Count de Chambrun, great-grandson of Lafayette. |
| Jan. 3, 1934 | 73rd Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. |
| Feb. 22, 1932 | 72nd Congress | Address on bicentennial of George Washington's birth | President Herbert Hoover. |
| Dec. 6, 1932 | 72nd Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. |
| Dec. 8, 1931 | 72nd Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. |
| Dec. 2, 1930 | 71st Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. |
| Dec. 3, 1929 | 71st Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. |
| Dec. 4, 1928 | 70th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. |
| Feb. 22, 1927 | 70th Congress | Address on upcoming George Washington birthday bicentennial | President Calvin Coolidge. |
| Dec. 6, 1927 | 70th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. |
| Dec. 6, 1926 | 69th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. |
| Dec. 8, 1925 | 69th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. |
| Dec. 6, 1924 | 68th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. |
| Dec. 3, 1923 | 68th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. |
| Feb. 7, 1923 | 67th Congress | Address on British debt due to the United States | President Warren G. Harding. |
| Dec. 8, 1922 | 67th Congress | Annual Message | President Warren G. Harding. |
| Nov. 21, 1922 | 67th Congress | Address on promotion of the American Merchant Marine | President Warren G. Harding. |
| Aug. 18, 1922 | 67th Congress | Address on coal and railroad strikes | President Warren G. Harding. |
| Feb. 28, 1922 | 67th Congress | Address on maintenance of the Merchant Marine | President Warren G. Harding. |
| Dec. 6, 1921 | 67th Congress | Annual Message | President Warren G. Harding. |
| Apr. 12, 1921 | 67th Congress | Federal problem message | President Warren G. Harding. |
| Aug. 8, 1919 | 66th Congress | Cost of living message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Dec. 2, 1918 | 65th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Nov. 11, 1918 | 65th Congress | Terms of armistice signed by Germany | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| May 27, 1918 | 65th Congress | War finance message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Feb. 11, 1918 | 65th Congress | Peace message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Jan. 8, 1918 | 65th Congress | Program for world's peace | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Jan. 4, 1918 | 65th Congress | Federal operation of transportation systems | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Dec. 4, 1917 | 65th Congress | Annual Message/War with Austria-Hungary | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Apr. 2, 1917 | 65th Congress | War with Germany | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Feb. 26, 1917 | 64th Congress | Arming of merchant ships | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Feb. 3, 1917 | 64th Congress | Severing diplomatic relations with Germany | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Dec. 5, 1916 | 64th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Aug. 29, 1916 | 64th Congress | Railroad message (labor-management dispute) | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Dec. 7, 1915 | 64th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Dec. 8, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Sept. 4, 1914 | 63rd Congress | War tax message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Apr. 20, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Mexico message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Mar. 5, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Panama Canal tolls | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Jan. 20, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Trusts message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Dec. 2, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Aug. 27, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Mexican affairs message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| June 23, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Currency and bank reform message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Apr. 8, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Tariff message | President Woodrow Wilson. |
| Nov. 22, 1800 | 6th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. |
| Dec. 3, 1799 | 6th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. |
| Dec. 8, 1798 | 5th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. |
| Nov. 23, 1797 | 5th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. |
| May 16, 1797 | 5th Congress | Relations with France | President John Adams. |
| Dec. 7, 1796 | 4th Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. |
| Dec. 8, 1795 | 4th Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. |
| Nov. 19, 1794 | 3rd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. |
| Dec. 3, 1793 | 3rd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. |
| Nov. 6, 1792 | 2nd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. |
| Oct. 25, 1791 | 2nd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. |
| Dec. 8, 1790 | 1st Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. |
| Jan. 8, 1790 | 1st Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. |
See also
External links
Footnotes
- ↑ Congressional Research Service, "The President’s State of the Union Address: Tradition, Function, and Policy Implications," accessed February 3, 2020
- ↑ CNN, "Harry Truman delivered the first ever State of the Union. (Really.)," Feb. 5, 2019
- ↑ History, Art & Archives of the United States House of Representatives, "State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 28, 2022
- ↑ Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum, "FDR and the Four Freedoms Speech," accessed Feb. 28, 2022
- ↑ Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
- ↑ The American Presidency Project, “Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union,” Jan. 6, 1941
- ↑ United States Senate, "Opposition Response to the State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 25, 2022
- ↑ United States Senate, "Cabinet Members Who Did Not Attend the State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 23, 2022.
- ↑ United States House of Representatives, "Joint Meetings, Joint Sessions, & Inaugurations," accessed June 14, 2021
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