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Gerald Ford's State of the Union Address, 1976
Ford Administration Presidential Addresses  |
On Jan. 19, 1976, President Gerald Ford delivered his second State of the Union at 9:00 p.m. EST.
The State of the Union tradition stems from the U.S. Constitution's requirement that the president “shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”[1] The first State of the Union address was given by George Washington to both houses of Congress in 1790.
State of the Union address
Video
Transcript
The following text is a transcript of Ford's address, as prepared for delivery:
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Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of the 94th Congress, and distinguished guests: As we begin our Bicentennial, America is still one of the youngest nations in recorded history. Long before our forefathers came to these shores, men and women had been struggling on this planet to forge a better life for themselves and their families. In man's long, upward march from savagery and slavery--throughout the nearly 2,000 years of the Christian calendar, the nearly 6,000 years of Jewish reckoning--there have been many deep, terrifying valleys, but also many bright and towering peaks. One peak stands highest in the ranges of human history. One example shines forth of a people uniting to produce abundance and to share the good life fairly and with freedom. One union holds out the promise of justice and opportunity for every citizen: That union is the United States of America. We have not remade paradise on Earth. We know perfection will not be found here. But think for a minute how far we have come in 200 years. We came from many roots, and we have many branches. Yet all Americans across the eight generations that separate us from the stirring deeds of 1776, those who know no other homeland and those who just found refuge among our shores, say in unison: I am proud of America, and I am proud to be an American. Life will be a little better here for my children than for me. I believe this not because I am told to believe it, but because life has been better for me than it was for my father and my mother. I know it will be better for my children because my hands, my brains, my voice, and my vote can help make it happen. It has happened here in America. It has happened to you and to me. Government exists to create and preserve conditions in which people can translate their ideas into practical reality. In the best of times, much is lost in translation. But we try. Sometimes we have tried and failed. Always we have had the best of intentions. But in the recent past, we sometimes forgot the sound principles that guided us through most of our history. We wanted to accomplish great things and solve age-old problems. And we became overconfident of our abilities. We tried to be a policeman abroad and the indulgent parent here at home. We thought we could transform the country through massive national programs, but often the programs did not work. Too often they only made things worse. In our rush to accomplish great deeds quickly, we trampled on sound principles of restraint and endangered the rights of individuals. We unbalanced our economic system by the huge and unprecedented growth of Federal expenditures and borrowing. And we were not totally honest with ourselves about how much these programs would cost and how we would pay for them. Finally, we shifted our emphasis from defense to domestic problems while our adversaries continued a massive buildup of arms. The time has now come for a fundamentally different approach for a new realism that is true to the great principles upon which this Nation was founded. We must introduce a new balance to our economy--a balance that favors not only sound, active government but also a much more vigorous, healthy economy that can create new jobs and hold down prices. We must introduce a new balance in the relationship between the individual and the government--a balance that favors greater individual freedom and self-reliance. We must strike a new balance in our system of federalism--a balance that favors greater responsibility and freedom for the leaders of our State and local governments. We must introduce a new balance between the spending on domestic programs and spending on defense--a balance that ensures we will fully meet our obligation to the needy while also protecting our security in a world that is still hostile to freedom. And in all that we do, we must be more honest with the American people, promising them no more than we can deliver and delivering all that we promise. The genius of America has been its incredible ability to improve the lives of its citizens through a unique combination of governmental and free citizen activity. History and experience tells us that moral progress cannot come in comfortable and in complacent times, but out of trial and out of confusion. Tom Paine aroused the troubled Americans of 1776 to stand up to the times that try men's souls because the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph. Just a year ago I reported that the state of the Union was not good. Tonight, I report that the state of our Union is better--in many ways a lot better--but still not good enough. To paraphrase Tom Paine, 1975 was not a year for summer soldiers and sum shine patriots. It was a year of fears and alarms and of dire forecasts--most of which never happened and won't happen. As you recall, the year 1975 opened with rancor and with bitterness. Political misdeeds of the past had neither been forgotten nor forgiven. The longest, most divisive war in our history was winding toward an unhappy conclusion. Many feared that the end of that foreign war of men and machines meant the beginning of a domestic war of recrimination and reprisal. Friends and adversaries abroad were asking whether America had lost its nerve. Finally, our economy was ravaged by inflation--inflation that was plunging us into the worse recession in four decades. At the same time, Americans became increasingly alienated from big institutions. They were steadily losing confidence, not just in big government but in big business, big labor, and big education, among others. Ours was a troubled land. And so, 1975 was a year of hard decisions, difficult compromises, and a new realism that taught us something important about America. It brought back a needed measure of common sense, steadfastness, and self-discipline. Americans did not panic or demand instant but useless cures. In all sectors, people met their difficult problems with the restraint and with responsibility worthy of their great heritage. Add up the separate pieces of progress in 1975, subtract the setbacks, and the sum total shows that we are not only headed in a new direction, a direction which I proposed 12 months ago, but it turned out to be the right direction. It is the right direction because it follows the truly revolutionary American concept of 1776, which holds that in a free society the making of public policy and successful problemsolving involves much more than government. It involves a full partnership among all branches and all levels of government, private institutions, and individual citizens. Common sense tells me to stick to that steady course. Take the state of our economy. Last January, most things were rapidly getting worse. This January, most things are slowly but surely getting better. The worst recession since World War II turned around in April. The best cost-of-living news of the past year is that double-digit inflation of 12 percent or higher was cut almost in half. The worst--unemployment remains far too high. Today, nearly 1,700,000 more Americans are working than at the bottom of the recession. At year's end, people were again being hired much faster than they Were being laid off. Yet, let's be honest. Many Americans have not yet felt these changes in their daily lives. They still see prices going up far too fast, and they still know the fear of unemployment. We are also a growing nation. We need more and more jobs every year. Today's economy has produced over 85 million jobs for Americans, but we need a lot more jobs, especially for the young. My first objective is to have sound economic growth without inflation. We all know from recent experience what runaway inflation does to ruin every other worthy purpose. We are slowing it. We must stop it cold. For many Americans, the way to a healthy, noninflationary economy has become increasingly apparent. The Government must stop spending so much and stop borrowing so much of our money. More money must remain in private hands where it will do the most good. To hold down the cost of living, we must hold down the cost of government. In the past decade, the Federal budget has been growing at an average rate of over 10 percent a year. The budget I am submitting Wednesday cuts this rate of growth in half. I have kept my promise to submit a budget for the next fiscal year of $395 billion. In fact, it is $394.2 billion. By holding down the growth of Federal spending, we can afford additional tax cuts and return to the people who pay taxes more decisionmaking power over their own lives. Last month I signed legislation to extend the 1975 tax reductions for the first 6 months of this year. I now propose that effective July 1, 1976, we give our taxpayers a tax cut of approximately $10 billion more than Congress agreed to in December. My broader tax reduction would mean that for a family of four making $15,000 a year, there will be $227 more in take-home pay annually. Hardworking Americans caught in the middle can really use that kind of extra cash. My recommendations for a firm restraint on the growth of Federal spending and for greater tax reduction are simple and straightforward. For every dollar saved in cutting the growth in the Federal budget, we can have an added dollar of Federal tax reduction. We can achieve a balanced budget by 1979 if we have the courage and the wisdom to continue to reduce the growth of Federal spending. One test of a healthy economy is a job for every American who wants to work. Government--our kind of government--cannot create that many jobs. But the Federal Government can create conditions and incentives for private business and industry to make more and more jobs. Five out of six jobs in this country are in private business and in industry. Common sense tells us this is the place to look for more jobs and to find them faster. I mean real, rewarding, permanent jobs. To achieve this we must offer the American people greater incentives to invest in the future. My tax proposals are a major step in that direction. To supplement these proposals, I ask that Congress enact changes in Federal tax laws that will speed up plant expansion and the purchase of new equipment. My recommendations will concentrate this job-creation tax incentive in areas where the unemployment rate now runs over 7 percent. Legislation to get this started must be approved at the earliest possible date. Within the strict budget total that I will recommend for the coming year, I will ask for additional housing assistance for 500,000 families. These programs will expand housing opportunities, spur construction, and help to house moderate- and low-income families. We had a disappointing year in the housing industry in 1975. But with lower interest rates and available mortgage money, we can have a healthy recovery in 1976. A necessary condition of a healthy economy is freedom from the petty tyranny of massive government regulation. We are wasting literally millions of working hours costing billions of taxpayers' and consumers' dollars because of bureaucratic redtape. The American farmer, who now feeds 215 million Americans, but also millions worldwide, has shown how touch more he can produce without the shackles of government control. Now, we badly need reforms in other key areas in our economy: the airlines, trucking, railroads, and financial institutions. I have submitted concrete plans in each of these areas, not to help this or that industry, but to foster competition and to bring prices down for the consumer. This administration, in addition, will strictly enforce the Federal antitrust laws for the very same purposes. Taking a longer look at America's future, there can be neither sustained growth nor more jobs unless we continue to have an assured supply of energy to run our economy. Domestic production of oil and gas is still declining. Our dependence on foreign oil at high prices is still too great, draining jobs and dollars away from our own economy at the rate of $125 per year for every American. Last month, I signed a compromise national energy bill which enacts a part of my comprehensive energy independence program. This legislation was late, not the complete answer to energy independence, but still a start in the right direction. I again urge the Congress to move ahead immediately on the remainder of my energy proposals to make America invulnerable to the foreign oil cartel. My proposals, as all of you know, would reduce domestic natural gas shortages; allow production from Federal petroleum reserves; stimulate effective conservation, including revitalization of our railroads and the expansion of our urban transportation systems; develop more and cleaner energy from our vast coal resources; expedite clean and safe nuclear power production; create a new national energy independence authority to stimulate vital energy investment; and accelerate development of technology to capture energy from the Sun and the Earth for this and future generations. Also, I ask, for the sake of future generations, that we preserve the family farm and family-owned small business. Both strengthen America and give stability to our economy. I will propose estate tax changes so that family businesses and family farms can be handed down from generation to generation without having to be sold to pay taxes. I propose tax changes to encourage people to invest in America's future, and their own, through a plan that gives moderate-income families income tax benefits if they make long-term investments in common stock in American companies. The Federal Government must and will respond to clear-cut national needs-for this and future generations. Hospital and medical services in America are among the best in the world, but the cost of a serious and extended illness can quickly wipe out a family's lifetime savings. Increasing health costs are of deep concern to all and a powerful force pushing up the cost of living. The burden of catastrophic illness can be borne by very few in our society. We must eliminate this fear from every family. I propose catastrophic health insurance for everybody covered by Medicare. To finance this added protection, fees for short-term care will go up somewhat, but nobody after reaching age 65 will have to pay more than $500 a year for covered hospital or nursing home care, nor more than $250 for 1 year's doctor bills. We cannot realistically afford federally dictated national health insurance providing full coverage for all 215 million Americans. The experience of other countries raises questions about the quality as well as the cost of such plans. But I do envision the day when we may use the private health insurance system to offer more middle-income families high quality health services at prices they can afford and shield them also from their catastrophic illnesses. Using resources now available, I propose improving the Medicare and other Federal health programs to help those who really need protection--older people and the poor. To help States and local governments give better health care to the poor, I propose that we combine 16 existing Federal programs, including Medicaid, into a single $10 billion Federal grant. Funds would be divided among States under a new formula which provides a larger share of Federal money to those States that have a larger share of low-income families. I will take further steps to improve the quality of medical and hospital care for those who have served in our Armed Forces. Now let me speak about social security. Our Federal social security system for people who have worked and contributed to it for all their lives is a vital part of our economic system. Its value is no longer debatable. In my budget for fiscal year 1977, I am recommending that the full cost-of-living increases in the social security benefits be paid during the coming year. But I am concerned about the integrity of our Social Security Trust Fund that enables people--those retired and those still working who will retire--to count on this source of retirement income. Younger workers watch their deductions rise and wonder if they will be adequately protected in the future. We must meet this challenge head on. Simple arithmetic warns all of us that the Social Security Trust Fund is headed for trouble. Unless we act soon to make sure the fund takes in as much as it pays out, there will be no security for old or for young. I must, therefore, recommend a three-tenths of 1 percent increase in both employer and employee social security taxes effective January 1, 1977. This will cost each covered employee less than 1 extra dollar a week and will ensure the integrity of the trust fund. As we rebuild our economy, we have a continuing responsibility to provide a temporary cushion to the unemployed. At my request, the Congress enacted two extensions and two expansions in unemployment insurance which helped those who were jobless during 1975. These programs will continue in 1976. In my fiscal year 1977 budget, I am also requesting funds to continue proven job training and employment opportunity programs for millions of other Americans. Compassion and a sense of community--two of America's greatest strengths throughout our history-- tell us we must take care of our neighbors who cannot take care of themselves. The host of Federal programs in this field reflect our generosity as a people. But everyone realizes that when it comes to welfare, government at all levels is not doing the job well. Too many of our welfare programs are inequitable and invite abuse. Too many of our welfare programs have problems from beginning to end. Worse, we are wasting badly needed resources without reaching many of the truly needy. Complex welfare programs cannot be reformed overnight. Surely we cannot simply dump welfare into the laps of the 50 States, their local taxpayers, or their private charities, and just walk away from it. Nor is it the right time for massive and sweeping changes while we are still recovering from the recession. Nevertheless, there are still plenty of improvements that we can make. I will ask Congress for Presidential authority to tighten up the rules for eligibility and benefits. Last year I twice sought long overdue reform of the scandal-riddled food stamp program. This year I say again: Let's give food stamps to those most in need. Let's not give any to those who don't need them. Protecting the life and property of the citizen at home is the responsibility of all public officials, but is primarily the job of local and State law enforcement authorities. Americans have always found the very thought of a Federal police force repugnant, and so do I. But there are proper ways in which we can help to insure domestic tranquility as the Constitution charges us. My recommendations on how to control violent crime were submitted to the Congress last June with strong emphasis on protecting the innocent victims of crime. To keep a convicted criminal from committing more crimes, we must put him in prison so he cannot harm more law-abiding citizens. To be effective, this punishment must be swift and it must be certain. Too often, criminals are not sent to prison after conviction but are allowed to return to the streets. Some judges are reluctant to send convicted criminals to prison because of inadequate facilities. To alleviate this problem at the Federal level, my new budget proposes the construction of four new Federal facilities. To speed Federal justice, I propose an increase this year in the United States attorneys prosecuting Federal crimes and the reinforcement of the number of United States marshals. Additional Federal judges are needed, as recommended by me and the Judicial Conference. Another major threat to every American's person and property is the criminal carrying a handgun. The way to cut down on the criminal use of guns is not to take guns away from the law-abiding citizen, but to impose mandatory sentences for crimes in which a gun is used, make it harder to obtain cheap guns for criminal purposes, and concentrate gun control enforcement in highcrime areas. My budget recommends 500 additional Federal agents in the 11 largest metropolitan high-crime areas to help local authorities stop criminals from selling and using handguns. The sale of hard drugs is tragically on the increase again. I have directed all agencies of the Federal Government to step up law enforcement efforts against those who deal in drugs. In 1975, I am glad to report, Federal agents seized substantially more heroin coming into our country than in 1974. As President, I have talked personally with the leaders of Mexico, Colombia, and Turkey to urge greater efforts by their Governments to control effectively the production and shipment of hard drugs. I recommended months ago that the Congress enact mandatory fixed sentences for persons convicted of Federal crimes involving the sale of hard drugs. Hard drugs, we all know, degrade the spirit as they destroy the body of their users. It is unrealistic and misleading to hold out the hope that the Federal Government can move into every neighborhood and clean up crime. Under the Constitution, the greatest responsibility for curbing crime lies with State and local authorities. They are the frontline fighters in the war against crime. There are definite ways in which the Federal Government can help them. I will propose in the new budget that Congress authorize almost $7 billion over the next 5 years to assist State and local governments to protect the safety and property of all their citizens. As President, I pledge the strict enforcement of Federal laws and--by example, support, and leadership--to help State and local authorities enforce their laws. Together, we must protect the victims of crime and ensure domestic tranquility. Last year I strongly recommended a 5-year extension of the existing revenue sharing legislation, which thus far has provided $23½ billion to help State and local units of government solve problems at home. This program has been effective with decisionmaking transferred from the Federal Government to locally elected officials. Congress must act this year, or State and local units of government will have to drop programs or raise local taxes. Including my health care program reforms, I propose to consolidate some 59 separate Federal programs and provide flexible Federal dollar grants to help States, cities, and local agencies in such important areas as education, child nutrition, and social services. This flexible system will do the job better and do it closer to home. The protection of the lives and property of Americans from foreign enemies is one of my primary responsibilities as President. In a world of instant communications and intercontinental ballistic missiles, in a world economy that is global and interdependent, our relations with other nations become more, not less, important to the lives of Americans. America has had a unique role in the world since the day of our independence 200 years ago. And ever since the end of World War II, we have borne--successfully--a heavy responsibility for ensuring a stable world order and hope for human progress. Today, the state of our foreign policy is sound and strong. We are at peace, and I will do all in my power to keep it that way. Our military forces are capable and ready. Our military power is without equal, and I intend to keep it that way. Our principal alliances with the industrial democracies of the Atlantic community and Japan have never been more solid. A further agreement to limit the strategic arms race may be achieved. We have an improving relationship with China, the world's most populous nation. The key elements for peace among the nations of the Middle East now exist. Our traditional friendships in Latin America, Africa, and Asia continue. We have taken the role of leadership in launching a serious and hopeful dialog between the industrial world and the developing world. We have helped to achieve significant reform of the international monetary system. We should be proud of what America, what our country, has accomplished in these areas, and I believe the American people are. The American people have heard too much about how terrible our mistakes, how evil our deeds, and how misguided our purposes. The American people know better. The truth is we are the world's greatest democracy. We remain the symbol of man's aspiration for liberty and well-being. We are the embodiment of hope for progress. I say it is time we quit downgrading ourselves as a nation. Of course, it is our responsibility to learn the right lesson from past mistakes. It is our duty to see that they never happen again. But our greater duty is to look to the future. The world's troubles will not go away. The American people want strong and effective international and defense policies. In our constitutional system, these policies should reflect consultation and accommodation between the President and the Congress. But in the final analysis, as the framers of our Constitution knew from hard experience, the foreign relations of the United States can be conducted effectively only if there is strong central direction that allows flexibility of action. That responsibility clearly rests with the President. I pledge to the American people policies which seek a secure, just, and peaceful world. I pledge to the Congress to work with you to that end. We must not face a future in which we can no longer help our friends, such as Angola, even in limited and carefully controlled ways. We must not lose all capacity to respond short of military intervention. Some hasty actions of the Congress during the past year--most recently in respect to Angola--were, in my view, very shortsighted. Unfortunately, they are still very much on the minds of our allies and our adversaries. A strong defense posture gives weight to our values and our views in international negotiations. It assures the vigor of our alliances. And it sustains our efforts to promote settlements of international conflicts. Only from a position of strength can we negotiate a balanced agreement to limit the growth of nuclear arms. Only a balanced agreement will serve our interests and minimize the threat of nuclear confrontation. The defense budget I will submit to the Congress for fiscal year 1977 will show an essential increase over the current year. It provides for real growth in purchasing power over this year's defense budget, which includes the cost of the all-volunteer force. We are continuing to make economies to enhance the efficiency of our military forces. But the budget I will submit represents the necessity of American strength for the real world in which we live. As conflict and rivalry persist in the world, our United States intelligence capabilities must be the best in the world. The crippling of our foreign intelligence services increases the danger of American involvement in direct armed conflict. Our adversaries are encouraged to attempt new adventures while our own ability to monitor events and to influence events short of military action is undermined. Without effective intelligence capability, the United States stands blindfolded and hobbled. In the near future, I will take actions to reform and strengthen our intelligence community. I ask for your positive cooperation. It is time to go beyond sensationalism and ensure an effective, responsible, and responsive intelligence capability. Tonight I have spoken about our problems at home and abroad. I have recommended policies that will meet the challenge of our third century. I have no doubt that our Union will endure, better, stronger, and with more individual freedom. We can see forward only dimly--1 year, 5 years, a generation perhaps. Like our forefathers, we know that if we meet the challenges of our own time with a common sense of purpose and conviction, if we remain true to our Constitution and to our ideals, then we can know that the future will be better than the past. I see America today crossing a threshold, not just because it is our Bicentennial but because we have been tested in adversity. We have taken a new look at what we want to be and what we want our Nation to become. I see America resurgent, certain once again that life will be better for our children than it is for us, seeking strength that cannot be counted in megatons and riches that cannot be eroded by inflation. I see these United States of America moving forward as before toward a more perfect Union where the government serves and the people rule. We will not make this happen simply by making speeches, good or bad, yours or mine, but by hard work and hard decisions made with courage and with common sense. I have heard many inspiring Presidential speeches, but the words I remember best were spoken by Dwight D. Eisenhower. "America is not good because' it is great," the President said. "America is great because it is good." President Eisenhower was raised in a poor but religious home in the heart of America. His simple words echoed President Lincoln's eloquent testament that "right makes might." And Lincoln in turn evoked the silent image of George Washington kneeling in prayer at Valley Forge. So, all these magic memories which link eight generations of Americans are summed up in the inscription just above me. How many times have we seen it? "In God We Trust." Let us engrave it now in each of our hearts as we begin our Bicentennial.[2] |
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| —President Gerald Ford (D), Jan. 19, 1976 [3] | ||
Response to the State of the Union address: Edward Muskie
Sen. Edward Muskie (D - Maine) delivered the response to the state of the union.[4]
Transcript
The following text is a transcript of Muskie's response, as prepared for delivery:
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I speak tonight for the restoration of American democracy—for restoration of that now endangered confidence which is essential to the life of freedom and to the meaning of the Republic. It is that confidence which has for 2 centuries animated the labors of a citizenry with the expectation that the common effort would inevitably lead to increasing opportunity—would continually drive back those obstacles which limit the citizen’s freedom to direct and enhance the quality of human life. That confidence and the successful conduct of that struggle is not some romantic dream, an old proverb plucked from some ancient book for occasional Fourth of July celebrations. It is the idea which has constituted and defined our existence and progress as a Nation. It is the reality which is the foundation and justification of everything else—wealth and power, public institutions and private enterprise, the building from which I speak and the Constitution on which it was raised. Two nights ago we heard from the President of the United States. He struck a theme which profoundly misunderstands both the realities and needs of the America he now helps govern. However, it is not my intention simply to answer the President or argue with his convictions. The Democratic leadership of the Congress in which I serve has asked me, rather, to present another point of view. It is not the opinion of Congress or of its Democratic majority. For I am only qualified to speak as the senior Senator from Maine, a Democrat, and as Chairman of the Senate Committee on the Budget. Still, even though some members of my party in Congress may not share all my views, we do share a common bond: The oath and obligation of office—to defend the Constitution of the United States, to advance its principles, and to represent fairly and according to our individual conscience and best understanding, the interests of the people we serve—our own constituencies and in the Nation whose well-being is our constitutional obligation. And I can, and I intend, to represent and discharge, that common mandate whose fulfillment is the obligation of every member. My message tonight is not one of comfort or reassurance. But it is a truth and it is a warning. I have just returned from 2 intensive weeks of travel, listening and talking among my people back home in Maine. We talked about a lot of very serious problems which are shared by millions of Americans from coast to coast. The problem which concerns me more than all the rest—because unless we solve it, we cannot solve the rest—is the extent to which you have lost confidence in your political system and your ability to govern yourselves. Too many of you do not believe the government cares about you and your problems. Too many of you believe that government can’t do anything about your problems. Too many of you believe that government exists only for the benefit of the few who are rich and powerful. Too many of you believe that you can do nothing to improve the performance of your government. Too few of you are willing to try. Political power in our system is still yours to use—if you will. If you doubt what I say, recall, if you will, the Watergate affair and the reason why it was finally resolved by an orderly transfer of power involving the first resignation from office of a President in our entire history. It was you who produced that result—not the Congress—not even the courts. Your political institutions moved when you insisted that they do. You and your elected representatives are in this business of governing together. When communication between us breaks down, when we lose confidence in each other, we lose the very essence of self-government. I find no confidence that government can restore economic health to our Nation—put people back to work, get our factories open again—and stop the inflation that robs our elderly and poor—and deprives every one of us of our hard-earned dollars. I find no confidence that government can do something effective about this siege of crime that makes many of you prisoners in your homes, behind doors that lock out the threat which lurks in the darkness. That government can make schools again into houses where children can learn and prepare themselves for the future. That government can slow down spiralling health costs, that add more misery to your lives each year. That government can bring our powerful oil industry under control, to hold down the price of energy. That government can stop a disastrous retreat from the goal of environmental quality we set so resolutely not so long ago. And I find no confidence that government would begin to curb the abuses of power that threaten you. The abuse of power by corporations that dominate the marketplace, charging what they want—who ignore the quality of our air and water—the safety of workers—the quality of goods—who each year push and shove for more tax privileges and more exemptions from law—corporations, in other words, that each year grow more wealthy and more powerful. And we can begin to do what we must do to insure that government will curb its own abuses. I find no confidence that government can curb its abuses—the abuse of government power goes on—the abuse of our rights by the FBI and the CIA have been exposed—the war in Vietnam went on for years—the no longer secret war in Angola goes on. Everywhere I turn in this Nation, these are the problems I hear from your lips. This is the State of the Union. And it is also a Congressional agenda for action. The goodness and the strength of the American people is not diminished by the corruption of a few of our leaders. Our system of reward for hard work is not discredited by a few years of hard times. Our government—the model for free people everywhere in the world—has not been destroyed by a few Presidents or the failure of Congress to block them in time. We have had some very bad times in our country in these last few years. But our people are still strong. The Republic still stands. Our freely elected government can still work. Who among us would trade America for any other country in the long history of the world? We don’t need a new system. What we need is the will to make our system work. We must reject those of timid vision who counsel us to go back—— To go back to simpler times now gone forever. To go back on the promises we have made to each other. To go back on our guarantee to every American for a decent job and secure retirement. To go back on our commitment to quality education and affordable health care. To go back on consumer protection and worker safety. To go back on our commitment to a clean environment. To go back and give up. We cannot go back. We cannot give up. And we will not. If we’ve learned anything—as a Nation—from Valley Forge to Yorktown, from the Great Depression to the landing on the moon—it is this: Give Americans the tools and they’ll do the job. We are entering a period when the country’s capacity to produce and create can be greater than at any time in recent history. There are houses to design and build. There are roads to build, to repair. There are rivers to clean. There are railroads to mend. There are day-care centers to build and to operate so that more young women can participate in revitalizing America. There are books to be written and printed. There are farms to be expanded and worked. There are cities to rebuild. There are new sources of energy to be developed and produced. Oh, yes, we have work to do. Clearly, something is wrong in a system in which there is so much work to be done at the same time there are so many people without work. And that problem is not only the business of business. It is also the business of government. We all have a big stake in that effort. We all pay for unemployment. For every 1 percent increase in the unemployment rate—for every 1 million Americans out of work—we all pay $3 billion more in unemployment compensation and welfare checks and lose $14 billion in taxes. That means that today’s unemployment costs us taxpayers more than $65 billion a year. President Ford’s budgets for these 2 years of recession have included more than $40 billion for unemployment compensation and jobless payments alone—and another $14 billion in interest on the extra national debt that unemployment has cost. But the President’s budget offers no new jobs. In fact, it proposes cutbacks in the existing, limited emergency jobs program Congress has enacted. The President’s plans for our economy are penny-wise and pound-foolish. Under them, America’s factories are producing only three fourths as many goods as they actually could. That means fewer jobs and higher prices. If we had just enough jobs this year to match the unemployment rate of 1968, we would collect enough Federal taxes to wipe out the entire Federal deficit, this year and next. But the President’s budget is designed to keep unemployment over 7 percent for another year and more. To keep 7 million Americans unemployed at this time a year from now. Most economists believe that if the administration’s policies are followed, unemployment will not fall below 7 percent in this decade. We American taxpayers pay a staggering price for these jobless policies. But the Americans who want work and can’t find it pay so much more. What price does a father or mother pay who cannot support their children? What price does a master carpenter pay when he is reduced to welfare? How can we calculate the cost to America’s jobless in lost seniority, job-training, and pension rights? What price will we all pay when two out of every five inner city youths grow up without ever having had a full-time job? Experts in both government and private enterprise tell us that we can, if we choose, significantly reduce the present unemployment during the next fiscal year. Direct employment programs—using Federal dollars to pay for public service jobs like classroom teaching aides and hospital attendants - would produce the most jobs at the lowest total cost. Federal assistance to local communities for short-term public works projects and to avoid layoffs in local government services—like police protection and trash collection—also have high job yields for the tax dollars invested. Yet President Ford says he intends to veto even the limited program pending in the Congress now for short-term public works and financial assistance to local communities which have high jobless rates. This anti-recession bill—which the President seeks to block—would create 300,000 jobs this year. The President says we cannot afford to help Americans find work. I say we cannot, as taxpayers, afford not to. And those jobs should be in addition to the jobs Congress could create in private industry by additional cuts in taxes without increasing present Federal spending levels. And Congress could avoid discouraging private sector employment by rejecting the President’s proposals to increase payroll taxes. As I listen to my people in Maine, and occasionally to those outside the State, it is clear that one of the most frightening economic results of recent years is inflation—and especially the quadrupling of oil prices. They have put the very necessities of life beyond the reach of more and more of our citizens. The administration has tried hard to make the case that budget deficits are a direct cause of inflation. I wish the American economy were that simple. Curing inflation then would be a simple matter of cutting the budget. Unfortunately, the facts do not bear out the administration claim . In 1974, for example, the Federal Government deficit was the smallest in the past several years. But in that year, 1974, both inflation and interest rates reached their highest points in 21 years. Prices were high that year because of the sudden increase in oil prices, steep increases in food prices, and a deliberate policy by the Federal Reserve Board to keep interest rates high. The size of the deficit was incidental. The administration did not raise oil prices. It was not responsible for poor crops around the world during the late 1960’s and early 1970’s. But it compounded the problems, partly by inept, often panicky management of the economy, starting with the first Nixon administration. The administration raced the economies engine in election years and then created recessions to curb the resulting inflation. It moved too quickly from one set of wage-price controls to another without ever giving any of them a chance to work. It tried to impose domestic oil price increases on top of the foreign increases that would have doubled the impact. It compounded the poor crop years by selling too much of this Nation’s grain reserves to the Soviet Union. What the Nation needs at this time is leadership that will not jump from one economic panic button to another. We need a consistent, responsible, non-partisan plan for protecting the economy from further shocks. We need an energy policy that will keep the prices of oil and natural gas at reasonable levels until the economy can absorb increases. We need a food policy that gives farmers a guarantee of reasonable incomes and consumers a guarantee of reasonable prices. A crop failure in Russia should not be permitted to disturb that balance. We need a wage-price council which will make life miserable for any big corporation that raises prices without very good reason and will do so in the name of the President of the United States. We need an anti-trust policy that will move immediately to prevent powerful firms from gaining too much control over both markets and capital, not spend years in court arguing cases after it is too late. Federal deficits are not the cause of the inflation we have experienced in the last 2 years, but they can be in the future, and we must be concerned about the possibility, as the economy recovers its health. Beyond that, wasteful government spending, inefficient and ineffective programs, are burdens taxpayers ought not to be asked to carry. More than that, they rob us of the resources we need to serve high priority national needs. Moreover, their very existence undermines that public confidence in government which is essential and so sadly lacking. Congress, recognizing this, has enacted a new budget process to remedy this now-chronic national financial crisis. Our job is to decide on a ceiling on spending and a floor under taxes for each year. In doing so we also set an economic policy for the country and ration the dollars in the budget according to our actual national needs. Our goal is to balance the budget as soon as the economy permits. We have imposed a tough spending ceiling on the Federal Government this year. We will impose a similar spending ceiling next year and every year. We have held the Federal deficit to the lowest possible level consistent with reducing unemployment. And, in fact, we have held the Federal deficit $25 billion below the Secretary of the Treasury’s estimate of last spring. And we are using the process to determine the economic impact of tax and regulatory policies. Finally, we will use all of this information to put spending priorities more in line with real needs, and to weed out programs which cost too much or produce too little. Last year we reduced the President’s requests for defense and foreign military aid to levels we thought were closer to our real defense needs and purposes. We have used part of the money we saved to increase jobs, health care and social security. We rejected at least $10 to $15 billion in other requests to hold down the deficit . But the new budget reform process is just one step in a broader effort we must undertake. We need a second spending reform to make sure the Federal money we spend is effectively used. We should question the most basic assumption about every program. Any programs not doing the job or duplicating better run programs should be eliminated. By the end of every 4 years, all programs should be reviewed in this process. The only program excepted from this review should be the Social Security program, which is, after all, an insurance system. We have learned that we can’t solve our problems by simply throwing Federal dollars at them. In the past 7 years, the Federal Government has provided more than $4 billion to improve local law enforcement. President Ford is now proposing to spend $7 billion more. During the same 7 years crime has increased 55 percent. At the same time, we know that we can’t solve priority problems like pollution or provide a national defense without a substantial commitment of tax dollars. So we must pursue the hard, detailed job of evaluating Federal spending in each and every area of the budget. We must buy only what we need. And at the lowest sound cost. I was disappointed that the President made no proposals in his State of the Union message to improve government efficiency—to bring new businesslike methods into the bureaucracy. Under our system the President, after all, is the Chief Executive. Efficiency in the general government is his responsibility. But what steps has he taken to improve efficiency and reduce costs in the Executive Branch? Why does it cost the government twice as much as a private insurance company to process medical claims? Why does the government take months to get the first check out to a woman entitled to a Federal pension? Why does the Social Security Administration take a year or more to process a citizen’s claim for disability compensation? Why can’t defense contractors be made to deliver their goods at agreedupon prices without cost overruns? Have you ever heard of a Defense Department employee being fired for permitting a cost overrun paid for with our tax dollars? Through the new Congressional budget reform process, Congress has laid the groundwork for more efficient government at tax savings to our citizens. I hope President Ford will join us in that effort. I do not believe most Americans want their government dismantled. We can’t very well fire the mailmen, discharge our armed forces, or lay off the people who run the computers that print our Social Security checks. But we can expect maximum efficiency and performance in office by everyone who draws a Federal salary. Let us now ask ourselves about America’s place in the world. What is your definition of national security? . . . protecting our shores from attack? . . . standing by our allies in Western Europe and Asia? . . . protecting our vital economic interests? . . . playing a leadership role in moving the world away from the arms race? . . . if it is, I would agree. We must also ask what is the most dangerous foreign policy problem we face today? I think, once again, it is a gulf of doubt and mistrust between us and our government. That gulf has widened since the tragic collapse of Vietnam. It was less than a year ago that we saw films of South Vietnamese soldiers pushing women and children away from evacuation planes in Danang. . . we saw Americans being airlifted from the roof of the American Embassy in Saigon to Navy ships in the China sea. Until that end, this administration was pleading for another $720 million to spend on a cause that the American people had long since recognized was wrong and hopeless. Vietnam was a bitter disappointment. But it also offered us some positive lessons: U.S. interests are not served by military intervention everywhere in the world where we see instability. And the U.S. can conduct a responsible policy toward its potential adversaries and toward its allies . . . and can pursue its interests after Vietnam— better, if anything, than before. Yet just last month, we discovered that the President has involved our Nation in a major way in yet another far off land: in Angola, where our Nation’s interests and those of the free world are far from clear. The Senate voted against any further expenditures for Angola. As in Vietnam, we find ourselves deeply committed without prior notice or consultation with our people in a country where U.S. interests could not possibly be served at any price. A free people deserve to be informed and to consent to the foreign policy we pursue. Much of the world today is watching with amazement as a Congress of the United States examines U.S. intelligence operations overseas. I know many of you must have asked yourselves, as I have, whether it is necessary to hang out the dirty linen—to talk about assassination attempts, to admit what the whole world knows about both us and themselves, that nations spy. Yes, it is necessary. How else is the American public to get hold of its foreign policy again? How else can we guarantee that interventions in other countries are an appropriate expression of deliberate U.S. policy, and not the making of some faceless bureaucrat? Oh, sure, it is inconvenient to conduct foreign policy in the open, and, certainly there will always be a need for intelligence work and for secrecy within the bounds of established policy. But a Republic gets its strength from the consent of the governed and from a consensus on shared objectives. It gets only weakness and disappointment from secrecy and surprise. So let us seek a foreign policy we can talk about in public and agree to in advance. Let us defend our real interests—and leave no doubt of it. But where our interest is not directly or clearly involved, let our adversaries learn, as we did in Vietnam, the expensive lesson of the limits of their power. Let us be neither patsy nor bully for the other nations of the world. Let us pursue a lessening of tensions with the Soviet Union and China, wherever it is consistent with our own interests. Let us extend a helping hand to the two-thirds of the people of the world who have so little. And let us do so with the confidence of a truly great people. We do not need to always win all our debates with every nation in the world. Let our greatness be, not that we always win, but that—as God gives us the power to see it—we are always in pursuit of the right. In his State of the Union message—and in the budget he sent us—the President has made some serious proposals for reduction in Federal expenditures and changes in our national priorities. The President’s program includes a number of ideas to simply shift the cost of Federal programs from the Federal Government to the States and the cities. We must frankly be skeptical of such proposals that simply raise State and local taxes. But I believe Congress must evaluate the President’s proposals with an open mind. Where they are simply gimmicks or mistakes, they should be rejected. Where they need amendment, they should be shaped to meet America’s actual needs. Where they make sense, they should be adopted. We must not be afraid of change. Just as we cannot go back to the old days, we must be ready to change old ways to meet new needs and present realities. I do not believe we face any problems we cannot solve. Our problems are man-made, and men and women can find their solutions. We need the will to try. The State of the Union is as strong as the bond between us. So let us make a pledge to one another tonight. Assert your right to share control of our national destiny. Decide now that you are going to vote in the Presidential and Congressional, State and local elections this fall, and keep that commitment. But put the politicians who seek your vote in those elections to a stringent test. Are they men of their word? If they promise more government benefits and services, do they also say how much they will cost? If they say they are going to reduce the size of government, do they tell you which services you are going to go without and how much that will save? Do they offer specific proposals or simply slogans? The Congress which meets in this building is your Congress if you participate in its election and supervision. Together, we are the union. And I find the State of that Union very strong indeed.[2] |
” |
| —Sen. Edward Muskie (D - Maine), Jan. 19, 1976[4] | ||
Designated survivor
Each year, a member of the president's Cabinet is chosen to stay in an undisclosed location outside of Washington, D.C. to assume the presidency in case of an attack on Congress, the president, and other high-ranking officials.
While designated survivors have been chosen since at least the 1960s, the federal government did not begin revealing the identity of the designated survivor to the public until 1984.[5]
Background
The following table provides a list of annual and other presidential addresses delivered to joint sessions of Congress between 1790 and 2025. It does not include inaugurations. Click the link in the Occasion or topic column to read more about each address. The information was compiled from the U.S. House of Representatives Office of the Historian.[6]
- President Woodrow Wilson (D), whose administration overlapped with World War I, delivered the most addresses: 23.
- President Franklin D. Roosevelt (D) followed with 19 addresses, which included a joint speech with the ambassador of France in 1934 and an address read before Congress on his behalf in 1945. World War II took place during his administration.
- President Harry S. Truman had the third-most addresses at 16. His administration covered the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War.
- Among presidents who served between 1981 and 2025, Presidents Ronald Reagan (R) and Barack Obama (D) delivered the most addresses with 11 and 10, respectively.
| Presidential addresses to joint sessions of Congress | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Date | Session of Congress | Occasion or topic | President and other speaking dignitaries | |
| March 4, 2025 | 119th Congress | Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| March 7, 2024 | 118th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. | |
| February 7, 2023 | 118th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. | |
| March 1, 2022 | 117th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. | |
| April 28, 2021 | 117th Congress | Address | President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. | |
| Feb. 4, 2020 | 116th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| Feb. 5, 2019 | 116th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| Jan. 30, 2018 | 115th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| Feb. 28, 2017 | 115th Congress | Address | President Donald J. Trump | |
| Jan. 12, 2016 | 114th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 20, 2015 | 114th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 28, 2014 | 113th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Feb. 12, 2013 | 113th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 24, 2012 | 112th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Sept. 8, 2011 | 112th Congress | Address on American Jobs Act | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 25, 2011 | 112th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 27, 2010 | 111th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Sept. 8, 2009 | 111th Congress | Address on Health Care Reform | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Feb. 24, 2009 | 111th Congress | Address | President Barack H. Obama | |
| Jan. 28, 2008 | 110th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush | |
| Jan. 23, 2007 | 110th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush | |
| Jan. 31, 2006 | 109th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush | |
| Feb. 2, 2005 | 109th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush | |
| Jan. 20, 2004 | 108th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush. | |
| Jan. 28, 2003 | 108th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush. | |
| Jan. 29, 2002 | 107th Congress | State of the Union Address | President George W. Bush. | |
| Sept. 20, 2001 | 107th Congress | Address on the War on Terrorism | President George W. Bush. | |
| Feb. 27, 2001 | 107th Congress | Budget Message | President George W. Bush. | |
| Jan. 27, 2000 | 106th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 19, 1999 | 106th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 27, 1998 | 105th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Feb. 4, 1997 | 105th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 23, 1996 | 104th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 24, 1995 | 104th Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 25, 1994 | 103rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Sept. 22, 1993 | 103rd Congress | Address on Health Care Reform | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Feb. 17, 1993 | 103rd Congress | Economic Address | President William J. Clinton. | |
| Jan. 28, 1992 | 102nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President George Bush. | |
| Mar. 6, 1991 | 102nd Congress | Conclusion of Persian Gulf War | President George Bush. | |
| Jan. 29, 1991 | 102nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President George Bush. | |
| Sept. 11, 1990 | 101st Congress | Invasion of Kuwait by Iraq | President George Bush. | |
| Jan. 31, 1990 | 101st Congress | State of the Union Address | President George Bush. | |
| Feb. 9, 1989 | 101st Congress | Address on Building a Better America | President George Bush. | |
| Jan. 25, 1988 | 100th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 27, 1987 | 100th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Feb. 4, 1986 | 99th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Nov. 21, 1985 | 99th Congress | Address on Geneva Summit | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Feb. 6, 1985 | 99th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 25, 1984 | 98th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Apr. 27, 1983 | 98th Congress | Address on Central America | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 25, 1983 | 98th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 26, 1982 | 97th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Apr. 28, 1981 | 97th Congress | Address on Economic Recovery--inflation | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Feb. 18, 1981 | 97th Congress | Address on Economic Recovery | President Ronald Reagan. | |
| Jan. 23, 1980 | 96th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| June 18, 1979 | 96th Congress | Address on Salt II agreements | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| Jan. 23, 1979 | 96th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| Sept. 18, 1978 | 95th Congress | Address on Middle East Peace agreements | President Jimmy Carter; Joint session attended by Anwar El Sadat, President of Egypt, and by Menachem Begin, Prime Minister of Israel. | |
| Jan. 19, 1978 | 95th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| Apr. 20, 1977 | 95th Congress | Address on Energy | President Jimmy Carter. | |
| Jan. 12, 1977 | 95th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Jan. 19, 1976 | 94th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Apr. 10, 1975 | 94th Congress | Address on State of the World | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Jan. 15, 1975 | 94th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Oct. 8, 1974 | 93rd Congress | Address on the Economy | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Aug. 12, 1974 | 93rd Congress | Assumption of office | President Gerald R. Ford. | |
| Jan. 30 1974 | 93rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| June 1, 1972 | 92nd Congress | Address on Europe trip | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Jan. 20, 1972 | 92nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Sept. 9, 1971 | 92nd Congress | Address on Economic policy | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Jan. 22, 1971 | 92nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Jan. 22, 1970 | 91st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Richard M. Nixon. | |
| Jan. 14, 1969 | 91st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 17, 1968 | 90th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 10, 1967 | 90th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 12, 1966 | 89th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Mar. 15, 1965 | 89th Congress | Voting rights | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 4, 1965 | 89th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 8, 1964 | 88th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Nov. 27, 1963 | 88th Congress | Assumption of office | President Lyndon B. Johnson. | |
| Jan. 14, 1963 | 88th Congress | State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy. | |
| Jan. 11, 1962 | 87th Congress | State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy. | |
| May 25, 1961 | 87th Congress | Urgent national needs: foreign aid, defense, civil defense, and outer space | President John F. Kennedy. | |
| Jan. 30, 1961 | 87th Congress | State of the Union Address | President John F. Kennedy. | |
| Jan. 7, 1960 | 86th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 9, 1959 | 86th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 9, 1958 | 85th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 10, 1957 | 85th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 5, 1957 | 85th Congress | Address on the Middle East | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 6, 1955 | 84th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Jan. 7, 1954 | 83rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| Feb. 2, 1953 | 83rd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Dwight D. Eisenhower. | |
| June 10, 1952 | 82nd Congress | Address on Steel Strike | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 9, 1952 | 82nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 8, 1951 | 82nd Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 4, 1950 | 81st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 5, 1949 | 81st Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| July 27, 1948 | 80th Congress | Address on inflation, housing, and civil rights | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Apr. 19, 1948 | 80th Congress | Address on 50th anniversary, liberation of Cuba | President Harry S. Truman; Guillermo Belt, Ambassador of Cuba. | |
| Mar. 17, 1948 | 80th Congress | National security and conditions in Europe | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 7, 1948 | 80th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Nov. 17, 1947 | 80th Congress | Address on Aid to Europe | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Mar. 12, 1947 | 80th Congress | Address on Greek-Turkish aid policy | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Jan. 6, 1947 | 80th Congress | State of the Union Address | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| May 25, 1946 | 79th Congress | Address on Railroad Strike | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Oct. 23, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Universal Military Training | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| May 21, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Bestowal of Congressional Medal of Honor to Tech. Sgt. Jake William Lindsey | General George C. Marshall, Chief of Staff, U.S. Army; President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Apr. 16, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Assumption of Office and War | President Harry S. Truman. | |
| Mar. 1, 1945 | 79th Congress | Address on Yalta Conference | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 6, 1945 | 79th Congress | Annual Message | President Roosevelt was not present. His message was read before the Joint Session of Congress. | |
| Jan. 11, 1944 | 78th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 7, 1943 | 78th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 6, 1942 | 77th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Dec. 8, 1941 | 77th Congress | Address on the "Day of Infamy" | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 6, 1941 | 77th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| May 16, 1940 | 76th Congress | Address on National Defense | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 3, 1940 | 76th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Sept. 21, 1939 | 76th Congress | Address on Neutrality | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Mar. 4, 1939 | 76th Congress | Address on Sesquicentennial of the 1st Congress | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 4, 1939 | 76th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 3, 1938 | 75th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 6, 1937 | 75th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 3, 1936 | 74th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| May 22, 1935 | 74th Congress | Address on Budget Bill Veto | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Jan. 4, 1935 | 74th Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| May 20, 1934 | 73rd Congress | Address on 100th anniversary of the death of the Marquis de Lafayette | Andre de Laboulaye, Ambassador of France; President Franklin Delano Roosevelt; ceremony attended by Count de Chambrun, great-grandson of Lafayette. | |
| Jan. 3, 1934 | 73rd Congress | Annual Message | President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. | |
| Feb. 22, 1932 | 72nd Congress | Address on bicentennial of George Washington's birth | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 6, 1932 | 72nd Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 8, 1931 | 72nd Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 2, 1930 | 71st Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 3, 1929 | 71st Congress | Annual Message | President Herbert Hoover. | |
| Dec. 4, 1928 | 70th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Feb. 22, 1927 | 70th Congress | Address on upcoming George Washington birthday bicentennial | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 6, 1927 | 70th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 6, 1926 | 69th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 8, 1925 | 69th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 6, 1924 | 68th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Dec. 3, 1923 | 68th Congress | Annual Message | President Calvin Coolidge. | |
| Feb. 7, 1923 | 67th Congress | Address on British debt due to the United States | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Dec. 8, 1922 | 67th Congress | Annual Message | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Nov. 21, 1922 | 67th Congress | Address on promotion of the American Merchant Marine | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Aug. 18, 1922 | 67th Congress | Address on coal and railroad strikes | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Feb. 28, 1922 | 67th Congress | Address on maintenance of the Merchant Marine | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Dec. 6, 1921 | 67th Congress | Annual Message | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Apr. 12, 1921 | 67th Congress | Federal problem message | President Warren G. Harding. | |
| Aug. 8, 1919 | 66th Congress | Cost of living message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 2, 1918 | 65th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Nov. 11, 1918 | 65th Congress | Terms of armistice signed by Germany | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| May 27, 1918 | 65th Congress | War finance message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Feb. 11, 1918 | 65th Congress | Peace message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Jan. 8, 1918 | 65th Congress | Program for world's peace | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Jan. 4, 1918 | 65th Congress | Federal operation of transportation systems | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 4, 1917 | 65th Congress | Annual Message/War with Austria-Hungary | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Apr. 2, 1917 | 65th Congress | War with Germany | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Feb. 26, 1917 | 64th Congress | Arming of merchant ships | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Feb. 3, 1917 | 64th Congress | Severing diplomatic relations with Germany | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 5, 1916 | 64th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Aug. 29, 1916 | 64th Congress | Railroad message (labor-management dispute) | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 7, 1915 | 64th Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 8, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Sept. 4, 1914 | 63rd Congress | War tax message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Apr. 20, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Mexico message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Mar. 5, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Panama Canal tolls | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Jan. 20, 1914 | 63rd Congress | Trusts message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Dec. 2, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Annual Message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Aug. 27, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Mexican affairs message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| June 23, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Currency and bank reform message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Apr. 8, 1913 | 63rd Congress | Tariff message | President Woodrow Wilson. | |
| Nov. 22, 1800 | 6th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. | |
| Dec. 3, 1799 | 6th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. | |
| Dec. 8, 1798 | 5th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. | |
| Nov. 23, 1797 | 5th Congress | Annual Message | President John Adams. | |
| May 16, 1797 | 5th Congress | Relations with France | President John Adams. | |
| Dec. 7, 1796 | 4th Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Dec. 8, 1795 | 4th Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Nov. 19, 1794 | 3rd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Dec. 3, 1793 | 3rd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Nov. 6, 1792 | 2nd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Oct. 25, 1791 | 2nd Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Dec. 8, 1790 | 1st Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
| Jan. 8, 1790 | 1st Congress | Annual Message | President George Washington. | |
Footnotes
- ↑ Congressional Research Service, "The President’s State of the Union Address: Tradition, Function, and Policy Implications," accessed February 3, 2020
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
- ↑ The American Presidency Project, “Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on the State of the Union,” Jan. 19, 1976
- ↑ 4.0 4.1 Secretary of the Senate "Edmund S. Muskie: Late A Senator From Maine, Memorial Tributes," accessed Feb. 23, 2022 (page 81)
- ↑ United States Senate, "Cabinet Members Who Did Not Attend the State of the Union Address," accessed Feb. 23, 2022.
- ↑ United States House of Representatives, "Joint Meetings, Joint Sessions, & Inaugurations," accessed June 14, 2021
