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Jimmy Carter's State of the Union Address, 1980

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President Jimmy Carter
Presidential addresses
Recent addresses:
Joe Biden's State of the Union Address, 2024
Joe Biden's State of the Union Address, 2023
Joe Biden's State of the Union Address, 2022
Joe Biden's address to joint session of Congress (April 28, 2021)

Historical addresses:

On Jan. 23, 1980, President Jimmy Carter delivered his third State of the Union at 9:00 p.m. EST.

The State of the Union tradition stems from the U.S. Constitution's requirement that the president “shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.”[1] The first State of the Union address was given by George Washington to both houses of Congress in 1790.

State of the Union address

Video

Transcript

The following text is a transcript of Carter's address, as prepared for delivery:

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 96th Congress, fellow citizens:

This last few months has not been an easy time for any of us. As we meet tonight, it has never been more clear that the state of our Union depends on the state of the world. And tonight, as throughout our own generation, freedom and peace in the world depend on the state of our Union.

The 1980's have been born in turmoil, strife, and change. This is a time of challenge to our interests and our values and it's a time that tests our wisdom and our skills.

At this time in Iran, 50 Americans are still held captive, innocent victims of terrorism and anarchy. Also at this moment, massive Soviet troops are attempting to subjugate the fiercely independent and deeply religious people of Afghanistan. These two acts—one of international terrorism and one of military aggression-present a serious challenge to the United States of America and indeed to all the nations of the world. Together, we will meet these threats to peace.

I'm determined that the United States will remain the strongest of all nations, but our power will never be used to initiate a threat to the security of any nation or to the rights of any human being. We seek to be and to remain secure—a nation at peace in a stable world. But to be secure we must face the world as it is.

Three basic developments have helped to shape our challenges: the steady growth and increased projection of Soviet military power beyond its own borders; the overwhelming dependence of the Western democracies on oil supplies from the Middle East; and the press of social and religious and economic and political change in the many nations of the developing world, exemplified by the revolution in Iran.

Each of these factors is important in its own right. Each interacts with the others. All must be faced together, squarely and courageously. We will face these challenges, and we will meet them with the best that is in us. And we will not fail.

In response to the abhorrent act in Iran, our Nation has never been aroused and unified so greatly in peacetime. Our position is clear. The United States will not yield to blackmail.

We continue to pursue these specific goals: first, to protect the present and long-range interests of the United States; secondly, to preserve the lives of the American hostages and to secure, as quickly as possible, their safe release, if possible, to avoid bloodshed which might further endanger the lives of our fellow citizens; to enlist the help of other nations in condemning this act of violence, which is shocking and violates the moral and the legal standards of a civilized world; and also to convince and to persuade the Iranian leaders that the real danger to their nation lies in the north, in the Soviet Union and from the Soviet troops now in Afghanistan, and that the unwarranted Iranian quarrel with the United States hampers their response to this far greater danger to them.

If the American hostages are harmed, a severe price will be paid. We will never rest until every one of the American hostages are released.

But now we face a broader and more fundamental challenge in this region because of the recent military action of the Soviet Union.

Now, as during the last 3 1/2 decades, the relationship between our country, the United States of America, and the Soviet Union is the most critical factor in determining whether the world will live at peace or be engulfed in global conflict.

Since the end of the Second World War, America has led other nations in meeting the challenge of mounting Soviet power. This has not been a simple or a static relationship. Between us there has been cooperation, there has been competition, and at times there has been confrontation.

In the 1940's we took the lead in creating the Atlantic Alliance in response to the Soviet Union's suppression and then consolidation of its East European empire and the resulting threat of the Warsaw Pact to Western Europe.

In the 1950's we helped to contain further Soviet challenges in Korea and in the Middle East, and we rearmed to assure the continuation of that containment.

In the 1960's we met the Soviet challenges in Berlin, and we faced the Cuban missile crisis. And we sought to engage the Soviet Union in the important task of moving beyond the cold war and away from confrontation.

And in the 1970's three American Presidents negotiated with the Soviet leaders in attempts to halt the growth of the nuclear arms race. We sought to establish rules of behavior that would reduce the risks of conflict, and we searched for areas of cooperation that could make our relations reciprocal and productive, not only for the sake of our two nations but for the security and peace of the entire world.

In all these actions, we have maintained two commitments: to be ready to meet any challenge by Soviet military power, and to develop ways to resolve disputes and to keep the peace.

Preventing nuclear war is the foremost responsibility of the two superpowers. That's why we've negotiated the strategic arms limitation treaties—SALT I and SALT II. Especially now, in a time of great tension, observing the mutual constraints imposed by the terms of these treaties will be in the best interest of both countries and will help to preserve world peace. I will consult very closely with the Congress on this matter as we strive to control nuclear weapons. That effort to control nuclear weapons will not be abandoned.

We superpowers also have the responsibility to exercise restraint in the use of our great military force. The integrity and the independence of weaker nations must not be threatened. They must know that in our presence they are secure.

But now the Soviet Union has taken a radical and an aggressive new step. It's using its great military power against a relatively defenseless nation. The implications of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan could pose the most serious threat to the peace since the Second World War.

The vast majority of nations on Earth have condemned this latest Soviet attempt to extend its colonial domination of others and have demanded the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops. The Moslem world is especially and justifiably outraged by this aggression against an Islamic people. No action of a world power has ever been so quickly and so overwhelmingly condemned. But verbal condemnation is not enough. The Soviet Union must pay a concrete price for their aggression.

While this invasion continues, we and the other nations of the world cannot conduct business as usual with the Soviet Union. That's why the United States has imposed stiff economic penalties on the Soviet Union. I will not issue any permits for Soviet ships to fish in the coastal waters of the United States. I've cut Soviet access to high-technology equipment and to agricultural products. I've limited other commerce with the Soviet Union, and I've asked our allies and friends to join with us in restraining their own trade with the Soviets and not to replace our own embargoed items. And I have notified the Olympic Committee that with Soviet invading forces in Afghanistan, neither the American people nor I will support sending an Olympic team to Moscow.

The Soviet Union is going to have to answer some basic questions: Will it help promote a more stable international environment in which its own legitimate, peaceful concerns can be pursued? Or will it continue to expand its military power far beyond its genuine security needs, and use that power for colonial conquest? The Soviet Union must realize that its decision to use military force in Afghanistan will be costly to every political and economic relationship it values.

The region which is now threatened by Soviet troops in Afghanistan is of great strategic importance: It contains more than two-thirds of the world's exportable oil. The Soviet effort to dominate Afghanistan has brought Soviet military forces to within 300 miles of the Indian Ocean and close to the Straits of Hormuz, a waterway through which most of the world's oil must flow. The Soviet Union is now attempting to consolidate a strategic position, therefore, that poses a grave threat to the free movement of Middle East oil.

This situation demands careful thought, steady nerves, and resolute action, not only for this year but for many years to come. It demands collective efforts to meet this new threat to security in the Persian Gulf and in Southwest Asia. It demands the participation of all those who rely on oil from the Middle East and who are concerned with global peace and stability. And it demands consultation and close cooperation with countries in the area which might be threatened.

Meeting this challenge will take national will, diplomatic and political wisdom, economic sacrifice, and, of course, military capability. We must call on the best that is in us to preserve the security of this crucial region.

Let our position be absolutely clear: An attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.

During the past 3 years, you have joined with me to improve our own security and the prospects for peace, not only in the vital oil-producing area of the Persian Gulf region but around the world. We've increased annually our real commitment for defense, and we will sustain this increase of effort throughout the Five Year Defense Program. It's imperative that Congress approve this strong defense budget for 1981, encompassing a 5-percent real growth in authorizations, without any reduction.

We are also improving our capability to deploy U.S. military forces rapidly to distant areas. We've helped to strengthen NATO and our other alliances, and recently we and other NATO members have decided to develop and to deploy modernized, intermediate-range nuclear forces to meet an unwarranted and increased threat from the nuclear weapons of the Soviet Union.

We are working with our allies to prevent conflict in the Middle East. The peace treaty between Egypt and Israel is a notable achievement which represents a strategic asset for America and which also enhances prospects for regional and world peace. We are now engaged in further negotiations to provide full autonomy for the people of the West Bank and Gaza, to resolve the Palestinian issue in all its aspects, and to preserve the peace and security of Israel. Let no one doubt our commitment to the security of Israel. In a few days we will observe an historic event when Israel makes another major withdrawal from the Sinai and when Ambassadors will be exchanged between Israel and Egypt.

We've also expanded our own sphere of friendship. Our deep commitment to human rights and to meeting human needs has improved our relationship with much of the Third World. Our decision to normalize relations with the People's Republic of China will help to preserve peace and stability in Asia and in the Western Pacific.

We've increased and strengthened our naval presence in the Indian Ocean, and we are now making arrangements for key naval and air facilities to be used by our forces in the region of northeast Africa and the Persian Gulf.

We've reconfirmed our 1959 agreement to help Pakistan preserve its independence and its integrity. The United States will take action consistent with our own laws to assist Pakistan in resisting any outside aggression. And I'm asking the Congress specifically to reaffirm this agreement. I'm also working, along with the leaders of other nations, to provide additional military and economic aid for Pakistan. That request will come to you in just a few days.

In the weeks ahead, we will further strengthen political and military ties with other nations in the region. We believe that there are no irreconcilable differences between us and any Islamic nation. We respect the faith of Islam, and we are ready to cooperate with all Moslem countries.

Finally, we are prepared to work with other countries in the region to share a cooperative security framework that respects differing values and political beliefs, yet which enhances the independence, security, and prosperity of all.

All these efforts combined emphasize our dedication to defend and preserve the vital interests of the region and of the nation which we represent and those of our allies—in Europe and the Pacific, and also in the parts of the world which have such great strategic importance to us, stretching especially through the Middle East and Southwest Asia. With your help, I will pursue these efforts with vigor and with determination. You and I will act as necessary to protect and to preserve our Nation's security.

The men and women of America's Armed Forces are on duty tonight in many parts of the world. I'm proud of the job they are doing, and I know you share that pride. I believe that our volunteer forces are adequate for current defense needs, and I hope that it will not become necessary to impose a draft. However, we must be prepared for that possibility. For this reason, I have determined that the Selective Service System must now be revitalized. I will send legislation and budget proposals to the Congress next month so that we can begin registration and then meet future mobilization needs rapidly if they arise.

We also need clear and quick passage of a new charter to define the legal authority and accountability of our intelligence agencies. We will guarantee that abuses do not recur, but we must tighten our controls on sensitive intelligence information, and we need to remove unwarranted restraints on America's ability to collect intelligence.

The decade ahead will be a time of rapid change, as nations everywhere seek to deal with new problems and age-old tensions. But America need have no fear. We can thrive in a world of change if we remain true to our values and actively engaged in promoting world peace. We will continue to work as we have for peace in the Middle East and southern Africa. We will continue to build our ties with developing nations, respecting and helping to strengthen their national independence which they have struggled so hard to achieve. And we will continue to support the growth of democracy and the protection of human rights.

In repressive regimes, popular frustrations often have no outlet except through violence. But when peoples and their governments can approach their problems together through open, democratic methods, the basis for stability and peace is far more solid and far more enduring. That is why our support for human rights in other countries is in our own national interest as well as part of our own national character.

Peace—a peace that preserves freedom-remains America's first goal. In the coming years, as a mighty nation we will continue to pursue peace. But to be strong abroad we must be strong at home. And in order to be strong, we must continue to face up to the difficult issues that confront us as a nation today.

The crises in Iran and Afghanistan have dramatized a very important lesson: Our excessive dependence on foreign oil is a clear and present danger to our Nation's security. The need has never been more urgent. At long last, we must have a clear, comprehensive energy policy for the United States.

As you well know, I have been working with the Congress in a concentrated and persistent way over the past 3 years to meet this need. We have made progress together. But Congress must act promptly now to complete final action on this vital energy legislation. Our Nation will then have a major conservation effort, important initiatives to develop solar power, realistic pricing based on the true value of oil, strong incentives for the production of coal and other fossil fuels in the United States, and our Nation's most massive peacetime investment in the development of synthetic fuels.

The American people are making progress in energy conservation. Last year we reduced overall petroleum consumption by 8 percent and gasoline consumption by 5 percent below what it was the year before. Now we must do more.

After consultation with the Governors, we will set gasoline conservation goals for each of the 50 States, and I will make them mandatory if these goals are not met.

I've established an import ceiling for 1980 of 8.2 million barrels a day—well below the level of foreign oil purchases in 1977. I expect our imports to be much lower than this, but the ceiling will be enforced by an oil import fee if necessary. I'm prepared to lower these imports still further if the other oil-consuming countries will join us in a fair and mutual reduction. If we have a serious shortage, I will not hesitate to impose mandatory gasoline rationing immediately.

The single biggest factor in the inflation rate last year, the increase in the inflation rate last year, was from one cause: the skyrocketing prices of OPEC oil. We must take whatever actions are necessary to reduce our dependence on foreign oil-and at the same time reduce inflation.

As individuals and as families, few of us can produce energy by ourselves. But all of us can conserve energy—every one of us, every day of our lives. Tonight I call on you—in fact, all the people of America—to help our Nation. Conserve energy. Eliminate waste. Make 1980 indeed a year of energy conservation.

Of course, we must take other actions to strengthen our Nation's economy.

First, we will continue to reduce the deficit and then to balance the Federal budget.

Second, as we continue to work with business to hold down prices, we'll build also on the historic national accord with organized labor to restrain pay increases in a fair fight against inflation.

Third, we will continue our successful efforts to cut paperwork and to dismantle unnecessary Government regulation.

Fourth, we will continue our progress in providing jobs for America, concentrating on a major new program to provide training and work for our young people, especially minority youth. It has been said that "a mind is a terrible thing to waste." We will give our young people new hope for jobs and a better life in the 1980's.

And fifth, we must use the decade of the 1980's to attack the basic structural weaknesses and problems in our economy through measures to increase productivity, savings, and investment.

With these energy and economic policies, we will make America even stronger at home in this decade—just as our foreign and defense policies will make us stronger and safer throughout the world. We will never abandon our struggle for a just and a decent society here at home. That's the heart of America—and it's the source of our ability to inspire other people to defend their own rights abroad.

Our material resources, great as they are, are limited. Our problems are too complex for simple slogans or for quick solutions. We cannot solve them without effort and sacrifice. Walter Lippmann once reminded us, "You took the good things for granted. Now you must earn them again. For every right that you cherish, you have a duty which you must fulfill. For every good which you wish to preserve, you will have to sacrifice your comfort and your ease. There is nothing for nothing any longer."

Our challenges are formidable. But there's a new spirit of unity and resolve in our country. We move into the 1980's with confidence and hope and a bright vision of the America we want: an America strong and free, an America at peace, an America with equal rights for all citizens-and for women, guaranteed in the United States Constitution—an America with jobs and good health and good education for every citizen, an America with a clean and bountiful life in our cities and on our farms, an America that helps to feed the world, an America secure in filling its own energy needs, an America of justice, tolerance, and compassion. For this vision to come true, we must sacrifice, but this national commitment will be an exciting enterprise that will unify our people.

Together as one people, let us work to build our strength at home, and together as one indivisible union, let us seek peace and security throughout the world.

Together let us make of this time of challenge and danger a decade of national resolve and of brave achievement.

Thank you very much.[2]

—President Jimmy Carter (D), Jan. 23, 1980 [3]

Response to the State of the Union address: Ted Stevens and John Rhodes

Senate Minority Leader Ted Stevens (R - Alaska) and Speaker of the House John Rhodes (R - Ariz.) delivered the response to the state of the union.[4]

Designated survivor

Each year, a member of the president's Cabinet is chosen to stay in an undisclosed location outside of Washington, D.C. to assume the presidency in case of an attack on Congress, the president, and other high-ranking officials.

While designated survivors have been chosen since at least the 1960s, the federal government did not begin revealing the identity of the designated survivor to the public until 1984.[5]


Background

The following table provides a list of annual and other presidential addresses delivered to joint sessions of Congress between 1790 and 2025. It does not include inaugurations. Click the link in the Occasion or topic column to read more about each address. The information was compiled from the U.S. House of Representatives Office of the Historian.[6]

  • President Woodrow Wilson (D), whose administration overlapped with World War I, delivered the most addresses: 23.
  • President Franklin D. Roosevelt (D) followed with 19 addresses, which included a joint speech with the ambassador of France in 1934 and an address read before Congress on his behalf in 1945. World War II took place during his administration.
  • President Harry S. Truman had the third-most addresses at 16. His administration covered the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War.
  • Among presidents who served between 1981 and 2025, Presidents Ronald Reagan (R) and Barack Obama (D) delivered the most addresses with 11 and 10, respectively.
Presidential addresses to joint sessions of Congress
Date Session of Congress Occasion or topic President and other speaking dignitaries
March 4, 2025 119th Congress Address President Donald J. Trump
March 7, 2024 118th Congress State of the Union Address President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
February 7, 2023 118th Congress State of the Union Address President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
March 1, 2022 117th Congress State of the Union Address President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
April 28, 2021 117th Congress Address President Joseph R. Biden, Jr.
Feb. 4, 2020 116th Congress State of the Union Address President Donald J. Trump
Feb. 5, 2019 116th Congress State of the Union Address President Donald J. Trump
Jan. 30, 2018 115th Congress State of the Union Address President Donald J. Trump
Feb. 28, 2017 115th Congress Address President Donald J. Trump
Jan. 12, 2016 114th Congress State of the Union Address President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 20, 2015 114th Congress State of the Union Address President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 28, 2014 113th Congress State of the Union Address President Barack H. Obama
Feb. 12, 2013 113th Congress State of the Union Address President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 24, 2012 112th Congress State of the Union Address President Barack H. Obama
Sept. 8, 2011 112th Congress Address on American Jobs Act President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 25, 2011 112th Congress State of the Union Address President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 27, 2010 111th Congress State of the Union Address President Barack H. Obama
Sept. 8, 2009 111th Congress Address on Health Care Reform President Barack H. Obama
Feb. 24, 2009 111th Congress Address President Barack H. Obama
Jan. 28, 2008 110th Congress State of the Union Address President George W. Bush
Jan. 23, 2007 110th Congress State of the Union Address President George W. Bush
Jan. 31, 2006 109th Congress State of the Union Address President George W. Bush
Feb. 2, 2005 109th Congress State of the Union Address President George W. Bush
Jan. 20, 2004 108th Congress State of the Union Address President George W. Bush.
Jan. 28, 2003 108th Congress State of the Union Address President George W. Bush.
Jan. 29, 2002 107th Congress State of the Union Address President George W. Bush.
Sept. 20, 2001 107th Congress Address on the War on Terrorism President George W. Bush.
Feb. 27, 2001 107th Congress Budget Message President George W. Bush.
Jan. 27, 2000 106th Congress State of the Union Address President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 19, 1999 106th Congress State of the Union Address President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 27, 1998 105th Congress State of the Union Address President William J. Clinton.
Feb. 4, 1997 105th Congress State of the Union Address President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 23, 1996 104th Congress State of the Union Address President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 24, 1995 104th Congress State of the Union Address President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 25, 1994 103rd Congress State of the Union Address President William J. Clinton.
Sept. 22, 1993 103rd Congress Address on Health Care Reform President William J. Clinton.
Feb. 17, 1993 103rd Congress Economic Address President William J. Clinton.
Jan. 28, 1992 102nd Congress State of the Union Address President George Bush.
Mar. 6, 1991 102nd Congress Conclusion of Persian Gulf War President George Bush.
Jan. 29, 1991 102nd Congress State of the Union Address President George Bush.
Sept. 11, 1990 101st Congress Invasion of Kuwait by Iraq President George Bush.
Jan. 31, 1990 101st Congress State of the Union Address President George Bush.
Feb. 9, 1989 101st Congress Address on Building a Better America President George Bush.
Jan. 25, 1988 100th Congress State of the Union Address President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 27, 1987 100th Congress State of the Union Address President Ronald Reagan.
Feb. 4, 1986 99th Congress State of the Union Address President Ronald Reagan.
Nov. 21, 1985 99th Congress Address on Geneva Summit President Ronald Reagan.
Feb. 6, 1985 99th Congress State of the Union Address President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 25, 1984 98th Congress State of the Union Address President Ronald Reagan.
Apr. 27, 1983 98th Congress Address on Central America President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 25, 1983 98th Congress State of the Union Address President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 26, 1982 97th Congress State of the Union Address President Ronald Reagan.
Apr. 28, 1981 97th Congress Address on Economic Recovery--inflation President Ronald Reagan.
Feb. 18, 1981 97th Congress Address on Economic Recovery President Ronald Reagan.
Jan. 23, 1980 96th Congress State of the Union Address President Jimmy Carter.
June 18, 1979 96th Congress Address on Salt II agreements President Jimmy Carter.
Jan. 23, 1979 96th Congress State of the Union Address President Jimmy Carter.
Sept. 18, 1978 95th Congress Address on Middle East Peace agreements President Jimmy Carter; Joint session attended by Anwar El Sadat, President of Egypt, and by Menachem Begin, Prime Minister of Israel.
Jan. 19, 1978 95th Congress State of the Union Address President Jimmy Carter.
Apr. 20, 1977 95th Congress Address on Energy President Jimmy Carter.
Jan. 12, 1977 95th Congress State of the Union Address President Gerald R. Ford.
Jan. 19, 1976 94th Congress State of the Union Address President Gerald R. Ford.
Apr. 10, 1975 94th Congress Address on State of the World President Gerald R. Ford.
Jan. 15, 1975 94th Congress State of the Union Address President Gerald R. Ford.
Oct. 8, 1974 93rd Congress Address on the Economy President Gerald R. Ford.
Aug. 12, 1974 93rd Congress Assumption of office President Gerald R. Ford.
Jan. 30 1974 93rd Congress State of the Union Address President Richard M. Nixon.
June 1, 1972 92nd Congress Address on Europe trip President Richard M. Nixon.
Jan. 20, 1972 92nd Congress State of the Union Address President Richard M. Nixon.
Sept. 9, 1971 92nd Congress Address on Economic policy President Richard M. Nixon.
Jan. 22, 1971 92nd Congress State of the Union Address President Richard M. Nixon.
Jan. 22, 1970 91st Congress State of the Union Address President Richard M. Nixon.
Jan. 14, 1969 91st Congress State of the Union Address President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 17, 1968 90th Congress State of the Union Address President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 10, 1967 90th Congress State of the Union Address President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 12, 1966 89th Congress State of the Union Address President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Mar. 15, 1965 89th Congress Voting rights President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 4, 1965 89th Congress State of the Union Address President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 8, 1964 88th Congress State of the Union Address President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Nov. 27, 1963 88th Congress Assumption of office President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Jan. 14, 1963 88th Congress State of the Union Address President John F. Kennedy.
Jan. 11, 1962 87th Congress State of the Union Address President John F. Kennedy.
May 25, 1961 87th Congress Urgent national needs: foreign aid, defense, civil defense, and outer space President John F. Kennedy.
Jan. 30, 1961 87th Congress State of the Union Address President John F. Kennedy.
Jan. 7, 1960 86th Congress State of the Union Address President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 9, 1959 86th Congress State of the Union Address President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 9, 1958 85th Congress State of the Union Address President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 10, 1957 85th Congress State of the Union Address President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 5, 1957 85th Congress Address on the Middle East President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 6, 1955 84th Congress State of the Union Address President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Jan. 7, 1954 83rd Congress State of the Union Address President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Feb. 2, 1953 83rd Congress State of the Union Address President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
June 10, 1952 82nd Congress Address on Steel Strike President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 9, 1952 82nd Congress State of the Union Address President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 8, 1951 82nd Congress State of the Union Address President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 4, 1950 81st Congress State of the Union Address President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 5, 1949 81st Congress State of the Union Address President Harry S. Truman.
July 27, 1948 80th Congress Address on inflation, housing, and civil rights President Harry S. Truman.
Apr. 19, 1948 80th Congress Address on 50th anniversary, liberation of Cuba President Harry S. Truman; Guillermo Belt, Ambassador of Cuba.
Mar. 17, 1948 80th Congress National security and conditions in Europe President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 7, 1948 80th Congress State of the Union Address President Harry S. Truman.
Nov. 17, 1947 80th Congress Address on Aid to Europe President Harry S. Truman.
Mar. 12, 1947 80th Congress Address on Greek-Turkish aid policy President Harry S. Truman.
Jan. 6, 1947 80th Congress State of the Union Address President Harry S. Truman.
May 25, 1946 79th Congress Address on Railroad Strike President Harry S. Truman.
Oct. 23, 1945 79th Congress Address on Universal Military Training President Harry S. Truman.
May 21, 1945 79th Congress Address on Bestowal of Congressional Medal of Honor to Tech. Sgt. Jake William Lindsey General George C. Marshall, Chief of Staff, U.S. Army; President Harry S. Truman.
Apr. 16, 1945 79th Congress Address on Assumption of Office and War President Harry S. Truman.
Mar. 1, 1945 79th Congress Address on Yalta Conference President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 6, 1945 79th Congress Annual Message President Roosevelt was not present. His message was read before the Joint Session of Congress.
Jan. 11, 1944 78th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 7, 1943 78th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 6, 1942 77th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Dec. 8, 1941 77th Congress Address on the "Day of Infamy" President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 6, 1941 77th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
May 16, 1940 76th Congress Address on National Defense President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 3, 1940 76th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Sept. 21, 1939 76th Congress Address on Neutrality President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Mar. 4, 1939 76th Congress Address on Sesquicentennial of the 1st Congress President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 4, 1939 76th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 3, 1938 75th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 6, 1937 75th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 3, 1936 74th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
May 22, 1935 74th Congress Address on Budget Bill Veto President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Jan. 4, 1935 74th Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
May 20, 1934 73rd Congress Address on 100th anniversary of the death of the Marquis de Lafayette Andre de Laboulaye, Ambassador of France; President Franklin Delano Roosevelt; ceremony attended by Count de Chambrun, great-grandson of Lafayette.
Jan. 3, 1934 73rd Congress Annual Message President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Feb. 22, 1932 72nd Congress Address on bicentennial of George Washington's birth President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 6, 1932 72nd Congress Annual Message President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 8, 1931 72nd Congress Annual Message President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 2, 1930 71st Congress Annual Message President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 3, 1929 71st Congress Annual Message President Herbert Hoover.
Dec. 4, 1928 70th Congress Annual Message President Calvin Coolidge.
Feb. 22, 1927 70th Congress Address on upcoming George Washington birthday bicentennial President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 6, 1927 70th Congress Annual Message President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 6, 1926 69th Congress Annual Message President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 8, 1925 69th Congress Annual Message President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 6, 1924 68th Congress Annual Message President Calvin Coolidge.
Dec. 3, 1923 68th Congress Annual Message President Calvin Coolidge.
Feb. 7, 1923 67th Congress Address on British debt due to the United States President Warren G. Harding.
Dec. 8, 1922 67th Congress Annual Message President Warren G. Harding.
Nov. 21, 1922 67th Congress Address on promotion of the American Merchant Marine President Warren G. Harding.
Aug. 18, 1922 67th Congress Address on coal and railroad strikes President Warren G. Harding.
Feb. 28, 1922 67th Congress Address on maintenance of the Merchant Marine President Warren G. Harding.
Dec. 6, 1921 67th Congress Annual Message President Warren G. Harding.
Apr. 12, 1921 67th Congress Federal problem message President Warren G. Harding.
Aug. 8, 1919 66th Congress Cost of living message President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 2, 1918 65th Congress Annual Message President Woodrow Wilson.
Nov. 11, 1918 65th Congress Terms of armistice signed by Germany President Woodrow Wilson.
May 27, 1918 65th Congress War finance message President Woodrow Wilson.
Feb. 11, 1918 65th Congress Peace message President Woodrow Wilson.
Jan. 8, 1918 65th Congress Program for world's peace President Woodrow Wilson.
Jan. 4, 1918 65th Congress Federal operation of transportation systems President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 4, 1917 65th Congress Annual Message/War with Austria-Hungary President Woodrow Wilson.
Apr. 2, 1917 65th Congress War with Germany President Woodrow Wilson.
Feb. 26, 1917 64th Congress Arming of merchant ships President Woodrow Wilson.
Feb. 3, 1917 64th Congress Severing diplomatic relations with Germany President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 5, 1916 64th Congress Annual Message President Woodrow Wilson.
Aug. 29, 1916 64th Congress Railroad message (labor-management dispute) President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 7, 1915 64th Congress Annual Message President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 8, 1914 63rd Congress Annual Message President Woodrow Wilson.
Sept. 4, 1914 63rd Congress War tax message President Woodrow Wilson.
Apr. 20, 1914 63rd Congress Mexico message President Woodrow Wilson.
Mar. 5, 1914 63rd Congress Panama Canal tolls President Woodrow Wilson.
Jan. 20, 1914 63rd Congress Trusts message President Woodrow Wilson.
Dec. 2, 1913 63rd Congress Annual Message President Woodrow Wilson.
Aug. 27, 1913 63rd Congress Mexican affairs message President Woodrow Wilson.
June 23, 1913 63rd Congress Currency and bank reform message President Woodrow Wilson.
Apr. 8, 1913 63rd Congress Tariff message President Woodrow Wilson.
Nov. 22, 1800 6th Congress Annual Message President John Adams.
Dec. 3, 1799 6th Congress Annual Message President John Adams.
Dec. 8, 1798 5th Congress Annual Message President John Adams.
Nov. 23, 1797 5th Congress Annual Message President John Adams.
May 16, 1797 5th Congress Relations with France President John Adams.
Dec. 7, 1796 4th Congress Annual Message President George Washington.
Dec. 8, 1795 4th Congress Annual Message President George Washington.
Nov. 19, 1794 3rd Congress Annual Message President George Washington.
Dec. 3, 1793 3rd Congress Annual Message President George Washington.
Nov. 6, 1792 2nd Congress Annual Message President George Washington.
Oct. 25, 1791 2nd Congress Annual Message President George Washington.
Dec. 8, 1790 1st Congress Annual Message President George Washington.
Jan. 8, 1790 1st Congress Annual Message President George Washington.

Footnotes