Majority-minority districts
From Ballotpedia
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redistricting procedures |
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A majority-minority district is a district in which a racial minority group or groups comprise a majority of the district's total population. As of 2015, the United States was home to 122 congressional majority-minority districts. This represented approximately 28 percent of the nation's 435 House districts.[1][2][3][4][5]
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act mandates that no "standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color." In the context of redistricting, federal law provides that majority-minority districts can be created in order to prevent the dilution of minorities' voting strength in compliance with the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Thornburg v. Gingles, a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1986, established a three-part test for proving whether vote dilution in violation of the Voting Rights Act has occurred in a district or districts.[6]
Background
- See also: Voting Rights Act
Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 mandates that electoral district lines cannot be drawn in such a manner as to "improperly dilute minorities' voting power."[7]
| “ | No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color.[8] | ” |
| —Voting Rights Act of 1965[9] | ||
Federal law permits states and other political subdivisions to create majority-minority districts in order to comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.[10]
Thornburg v. Gingles
- See also: Thornburg v. Gingles
Justice William J. Brennan, Jr.
In 1982, the North Carolina state legislature approved redistricting plans for the North Carolina State Senate and the North Carolina House of Representatives. The maps were challenged in United States District Court. The challengers alleged that the new maps "impaired black citizens' ability to elect representatives of their choice in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act." The district court ruled that six legislative districts violated the Voting Rights Act "by diluting the power of the black vote." The decision was appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States.[11][12][13]
On June 30, 1986, the high court ruled unanimously in Thornburg v. Gingles that five of the aforementioned six districts "discriminated against blacks by diluting the power of their collective vote." Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., wrote the majority opinion, which largely upheld the district court's original ruling.[11][12][13]
| “ | The District Court in this case carefully considered the totality of the circumstances and found that in each district racially polarized voting; the legacy of official discrimination in voting matters, education, housing, employment, and health services; and the persistence of campaign appeals to racial prejudice acted in concert with the multimember districting scheme to impair the ability of geographically insular and politically cohesive groups of black voters to participate equally in the political process and to elect candidates of their choice.[8] | ” |
| —Justice William J. Brennan, Jr. | ||
In Thornburg v. Gingles, the court also established three criteria that must be met in order "to prove claims of vote dilution under section 2 [of the Voting Rights Act]:"[11][12][13]
- "The minority group must be able to demonstrate that it is sufficiently large and geographically compact to constitute a majority in a single-member district."
- "The minority group must be able to show that it is politically cohesive."
- "The minority must be able to demonstrate that the white majority votes sufficiently as a bloc to enable it usually to defeat the minority’s preferred candidate."
Majority-minority districts in 2015
The table below provides demographic data for each majority-minority district in the United States as of 2015. This was the most recent data available as of June 2017. For the purposes of this article, a majority-minority district is defined as any district in which a minority group or collection of minority groups comprise a simple majority of the district's population.
In 2015, there were 122 majority-minority districts spanning 26 states. California was home to 40 such districts, more than any other state. See the table below for further details.[5]
| Majority-minority districts in the United States, 2015 | |||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| District | Hispanic or Latino | White | Black or African American | American Indian and Alaska Native | Asian | Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander | Other | Multiple races |
Representative's party (2015) |
| District 7, Alabama | 3.20% | 31.41% | 63.38% | 0.13% | 0.72% | 0.15% | 0.17% | 0.84% |  Democratic
|
| District 1, Arizona | 22.87% | 48.34% | 2.29% | 22.64% | 1.65% | 0.10% | 0.09% | 2.02% | Democratic
|
| District 3, Arizona | 60.01% | 29.06% | 4.47% | 3.34% | 1.58% | 0.07% | 0.06% | 1.42% | Democratic
|
| District 7, Arizona | 62.80% | 21.45% | 9.59% | 2.39% | 2.14% | 0.20% | 0.08% | 1.36% | Democratic
|
| District 10, California | 42.75% | 42.93% | 3.05% | 0.39% | 6.84% | 0.66% | 0.09% | 3.29% |  Republican
|
| District 11, California | 27.23% | 46.10% | 8.27% | 0.24% | 13.74% | 0.43% | 0.36% | 3.63% | Democratic
|
| District 12, California | 14.93% | 43.29% | 5.14% | 0.15% | 32.23% | 0.39% | 0.28% | 3.58% | Democratic
|
| District 13, California | 22.39% | 34.97% | 16.83% | 0.34% | 20.12% | 0.44% | 0.39% | 4.53% | Democratic
|
| District 14, California | 24.33% | 34.09% | 2.80% | 0.13% | 33.31% | 1.32% | 0.33% | 3.71% | Democratic
|
| District 15, California | 22.16% | 32.56% | 5.88% | 0.27% | 33.50% | 1.12% | 0.09% | 4.42% | Democratic
|
| District 16, California | 60.44% | 22.31% | 4.82% | 0.56% | 9.55% | 0.23% | 0.10% | 1.99% | Democratic
|
| District 17, California | 16.19% | 24.69% | 2.39% | 0.19% | 52.78% | 0.83% | 0.16% | 2.77% | Democratic
|
| District 19, California | 41.34% | 25.18% | 2.80% | 0.19% | 26.79% | 0.32% | 0.32% | 3.06% | Democratic
|
| District 20, California | 52.95% | 36.82% | 1.61% | 0.27% | 5.05% | 0.28% | 0.14% | 2.88% | Democratic
|
| District 21, California | 74.73% | 16.96% | 3.66% | 0.50% | 2.96% | 0.14% | 0.02% | 1.03% | Republican
|
| District 22, California | 46.72% | 40.09% | 3.30% | 0.35% | 7.22% | 0.08% | 0.12% | 2.11% | Republican
|
| District 23, California | 37.66% | 47.09% | 6.72% | 0.39% | 5.18% | 0.16% | 0.08% | 2.72% | Republican
|
| District 25, California | 37.23% | 42.78% | 7.99% | 0.21% | 8.97% | 0.04% | 0.18% | 2.60% | Republican
|
| District 26, California | 44.99% | 43.62% | 1.71% | 0.25% | 6.95% | 0.20% | 0.18% | 2.11% | Democratic
|
| District 27, California | 27.95% | 26.43% | 4.56% | 0.19% | 37.90% | 0.21% | 0.36% | 2.42% | Democratic
|
| District 29, California | 68.83% | 18.44% | 3.76% | 0.08% | 7.58% | 0.06% | 0.19% | 1.05% | Democratic
|
| District 3, California | 30.03% | 47.41% | 6.09% | 0.61% | 10.77% | 0.35% | 0.14% | 4.60% | Democratic
|
| District 30, California | 28.93% | 49.87% | 4.21% | 0.19% | 13.12% | 0.12% | 0.64% | 2.92% | Democratic
|
| District 31, California | 51.77% | 27.14% | 10.22% | 0.26% | 7.83% | 0.51% | 0.21% | 2.05% | Democratic
|
| District 32, California | 63.35% | 16.28% | 1.73% | 0.19% | 16.79% | 0.16% | 0.17% | 1.31% | Democratic
|
| District 34, California | 64.16% | 10.27% | 4.55% | 0.21% | 19.23% | 0.09% | 0.18% | 1.30% | Democratic
|
| District 35, California | 71.51% | 13.03% | 5.94% | 0.21% | 6.97% | 0.12% | 0.18% | 2.05% | Democratic
|
| District 36, California | 49.85% | 40.16% | 4.44% | 0.60% | 3.09% | 0.17% | 0.10% | 1.59% | Democratic
|
| District 37, California | 38.07% | 25.24% | 23.35% | 0.12% | 9.71% | 0.18% | 0.42% | 2.91% | Democratic
|
| District 38, California | 62.48% | 16.40% | 3.67% | 0.31% | 15.27% | 0.23% | 0.27% | 1.36% | Democratic
|
| District 39, California | 34.92% | 29.97% | 1.69% | 0.25% | 30.84% | 0.09% | 0.08% | 2.16% | Republican
|
| District 40, California | 87.62% | 4.90% | 4.48% | 0.11% | 2.47% | 0.07% | 0.08% | 0.26% | Democratic
|
| District 41, California | 57.98% | 25.05% | 9.07% | 0.27% | 5.08% | 0.36% | 0.07% | 2.12% | Democratic
|
| District 42, California | 38.11% | 42.75% | 4.90% | 0.35% | 10.01% | 0.25% | 0.08% | 3.56% | Republican
|
| District 43, California | 48.31% | 13.47% | 22.29% | 0.11% | 12.54% | 0.48% | 0.39% | 2.42% | Democratic
|
| District 44, California | 69.43% | 6.77% | 14.78% | 0.34% | 6.58% | 0.89% | 0.15% | 1.06% | Democratic
|
| District 46, California | 67.28% | 17.54% | 1.79% | 0.13% | 11.88% | 0.30% | 0.16% | 0.91% | Democratic
|
| District 47, California | 36.28% | 30.59% | 6.84% | 0.62% | 21.93% | 0.90% | 0.15% | 2.68% | Democratic
|
| District 5, California | 27.86% | 49.63% | 5.73% | 0.32% | 11.53% | 0.44% | 0.47% | 4.01% | Democratic
|
| District 51, California | 70.56% | 13.06% | 5.61% | 0.39% | 8.70% | 0.20% | 0.02% | 1.47% | Democratic
|
| District 53, California | 34.19% | 39.27% | 9.02% | 0.19% | 12.49% | 0.55% | 0.39% | 3.90% | Democratic
|
| District 6, California | 29.50% | 36.55% | 11.88% | 0.38% | 15.12% | 1.22% | 0.49% | 4.86% | Democratic
|
| District 8, California | 39.23% | 46.10% | 7.63% | 0.89% | 2.86% | 0.31% | 0.16% | 2.81% | Republican
|
| District 9, California | 37.59% | 35.17% | 8.68% | 0.18% | 14.03% | 0.52% | 0.18% | 3.66% | Democratic
|
| District 14, Florida | 29.61% | 39.93% | 25.11% | 0.18% | 2.41% | 0.08% | 0.41% | 2.27% | Democratic
|
| District 20, Florida | 21.84% | 21.24% | 52.67% | 0.15% | 1.90% | 0.01% | 0.48% | 1.71% | Democratic
|
| District 23, Florida | 39.73% | 43.44% | 10.89% | 0.17% | 3.93% | 0.07% | 0.37% | 1.40% | Democratic
|
| District 24, Florida | 32.41% | 11.83% | 52.58% | 0.02% | 1.88% | 0.00% | 0.28% | 1.01% | Democratic
|
| District 25, Florida | 70.93% | 21.16% | 4.99% | 0.12% | 2.05% | 0.00% | 0.25% | 0.50% | Republican
|
| District 26, Florida | 69.65% | 18.66% | 9.16% | 0.05% | 1.73% | 0.00% | 0.19% | 0.57% | Republican
|
| District 27, Florida | 75.43% | 15.14% | 6.84% | 0.03% | 1.56% | 0.00% | 0.32% | 0.66% | Republican
|
| District 5, Florida | 14.30% | 31.54% | 49.02% | 0.28% | 2.40% | 0.13% | 0.28% | 2.07% | Democratic
|
| District 9, Florida | 48.74% | 34.39% | 10.51% | 0.03% | 4.03% | 0.04% | 0.69% | 1.57% | Democratic
|
| District 13, Georgia | 11.96% | 26.54% | 57.53% | 0.02% | 2.38% | 0.00% | 0.16% | 1.41% | Democratic
|
| District 2, Georgia | 5.18% | 39.87% | 52.13% | 0.19% | 1.00% | 0.10% | 0.08% | 1.46% | Democratic
|
| District 4, Georgia | 9.67% | 24.60% | 58.66% | 0.08% | 4.84% | 0.00% | 0.47% | 1.69% | Democratic
|
| District 5, Georgia | 6.30% | 29.34% | 57.51% | 0.18% | 4.57% | 0.03% | 0.44% | 1.63% | Democratic
|
| District 7, Georgia | 18.30% | 45.62% | 20.02% | 0.11% | 12.96% | 0.08% | 0.39% | 2.51% | Republican
|
| District 1, Hawaii | 8.41% | 16.77% | 2.30% | 0.07% | 48.29% | 6.80% | 0.13% | 17.24% | Democratic
|
| District 2, Hawaii | 12.31% | 28.63% | 1.56% | 0.24% | 24.34% | 10.68% | 0.11% | 22.15% | Democratic
|
| District 1, Illinois | 9.90% | 35.64% | 50.62% | 0.14% | 1.73% | 0.02% | 0.19% | 1.76% | Democratic
|
| District 2, Illinois | 13.26% | 28.49% | 56.04% | 0.05% | 0.75% | 0.00% | 0.19% | 1.23% | Democratic
|
| District 4, Illinois | 70.09% | 21.88% | 3.48% | 0.11% | 3.40% | 0.03% | 0.14% | 0.87% | Democratic
|
| District 7, Illinois | 14.12% | 28.06% | 48.50% | 0.14% | 7.65% | 0.00% | 0.10% | 1.44% | Democratic
|
| District 2, Louisiana | 6.30% | 28.80% | 59.88% | 0.19% | 3.03% | 0.00% | 0.26% | 1.54% | Democratic
|
| District 4, Maryland | 15.45% | 26.41% | 52.09% | 0.18% | 3.47% | 0.01% | 0.28% | 2.11% | Democratic
|
| District 5, Maryland | 8.68% | 46.00% | 37.05% | 0.16% | 4.17% | 0.04% | 0.48% | 3.42% | Democratic
|
| District 7, Maryland | 3.36% | 32.76% | 53.63% | 0.19% | 7.30% | 0.06% | 0.30% | 2.41% | Democratic
|
| District 7, Massachusetts | 21.90% | 40.46% | 24.44% | 0.09% | 10.04% | 0.01% | 0.84% | 2.22% | Democratic
|
| District 13, Michigan | 7.12% | 34.12% | 55.26% | 0.25% | 1.35% | 0.05% | 0.32% | 1.52% | Democratic
|
| District 14, Michigan | 4.82% | 31.99% | 55.89% | 0.22% | 4.57% | 0.03% | 0.30% | 2.18% | Democratic
|
| District 2, Mississippi | 1.89% | 30.34% | 66.29% | 0.24% | 0.69% | 0.00% | 0.05% | 0.49% | Democratic
|
| District 1, Missouri | 3.63% | 41.18% | 48.97% | 0.09% | 3.05% | 0.08% | 0.13% | 2.86% | Democratic
|
| District 1, Nevada | 46.70% | 30.69% | 9.73% | 0.37% | 8.46% | 0.58% | 0.38% | 3.09% | Democratic
|
| District 4, Nevada | 27.89% | 47.10% | 14.20% | 0.73% | 5.68% | 0.51% | 0.17% | 3.73% | Democratic
|
| District 10, New Jersey | 20.78% | 20.34% | 48.70% | 0.10% | 7.51% | 0.02% | 1.06% | 1.50% | Democratic
|
| District 12, New Jersey | 17.06% | 47.09% | 17.44% | 0.09% | 16.44% | 0.00% | 0.55% | 1.32% | Democratic
|
| District 6, New Jersey | 21.54% | 47.39% | 10.08% | 0.16% | 18.85% | 0.03% | 0.23% | 1.72% | Democratic
|
| District 8, New Jersey | 55.00% | 25.12% | 9.09% | 0.14% | 8.21% | 0.05% | 0.94% | 1.44% | Democratic
|
| District 9, New Jersey | 36.52% | 38.26% | 9.40% | 0.11% | 14.06% | 0.03% | 0.18% | 1.43% | Democratic
|
| District 1, New Mexico | 49.38% | 40.14% | 2.37% | 3.70% | 2.22% | 0.04% | 0.21% | 1.94% | Democratic
|
| District 2, New Mexico | 53.77% | 37.30% | 1.91% | 4.92% | 0.75% | 0.02% | 0.13% | 1.19% | Republican
|
| District 3, New Mexico | 40.80% | 37.40% | 1.71% | 16.99% | 1.01% | 0.06% | 0.18% | 1.86% | Democratic
|
| District 13, New York | 54.43% | 14.81% | 24.00% | 0.03% | 4.20% | 0.05% | 0.25% | 2.22% | Democratic
|
| District 14, New York | 47.52% | 23.04% | 9.70% | 0.15% | 17.62% | 0.03% | 0.48% | 1.46% | Democratic
|
| District 15, New York | 66.05% | 3.13% | 27.62% | 0.28% | 1.72% | 0.00% | 0.37% | 0.84% | Democratic
|
| District 16, New York | 24.85% | 37.29% | 30.38% | 0.12% | 5.00% | 0.02% | 1.04% | 1.31% | Democratic
|
| District 5, New York | 21.14% | 10.40% | 47.15% | 0.23% | 13.72% | 0.01% | 4.65% | 2.70% | Democratic
|
| District 6, New York | 18.57% | 34.31% | 3.81% | 0.16% | 40.15% | 0.01% | 0.67% | 2.32% | Democratic
|
| District 7, New York | 40.54% | 30.96% | 7.44% | 0.14% | 18.47% | 0.03% | 0.69% | 1.74% | Democratic
|
| District 8, New York | 17.92% | 23.81% | 50.08% | 0.18% | 6.01% | 0.02% | 0.51% | 1.48% | Democratic
|
| District 9, New York | 12.37% | 31.18% | 47.24% | 0.05% | 6.77% | 0.00% | 0.47% | 1.92% | Democratic
|
| District 1, North Carolina | 8.84% | 34.72% | 52.03% | 0.69% | 1.54% | 0.06% | 0.06% | 2.06% | Democratic
|
| District 12, North Carolina | 14.05% | 28.75% | 48.89% | 0.34% | 5.15% | 0.01% | 0.39% | 2.43% | Democratic
|
| District 4, North Carolina | 12.13% | 47.63% | 30.85% | 0.50% | 6.07% | 0.09% | 0.33% | 2.41% | Democratic
|
| District 11, Ohio | 4.54% | 37.59% | 52.21% | 0.22% | 2.61% | 0.01% | 0.19% | 2.62% | Democratic
|
| District 1, Pennsylvania | 17.20% | 39.47% | 33.54% | 0.06% | 7.48% | 0.00% | 0.19% | 2.07% | Democratic
|
| District 2, Pennsylvania | 6.17% | 29.34% | 56.36% | 0.29% | 5.00% | 0.09% | 0.51% | 2.24% | Democratic
|
| District 6, South Carolina | 4.96% | 34.53% | 57.18% | 0.16% | 1.00% | 0.04% | 0.13% | 2.00% | Democratic
|
| District 9, Tennessee | 7.21% | 24.34% | 64.75% | 0.06% | 1.89% | 0.07% | 0.26% | 1.43% | Democratic
|
| District 15, Texas | 80.59% | 15.91% | 1.91% | 0.03% | 1.05% | 0.03% | 0.07% | 0.41% | Democratic
|
| District 16, Texas | 79.47% | 14.24% | 3.71% | 0.25% | 1.40% | 0.00% | 0.19% | 0.75% | Democratic
|
| District 18, Texas | 42.69% | 16.20% | 36.00% | 0.17% | 3.88% | 0.01% | 0.28% | 0.77% | Democratic
|
| District 2, Texas | 30.13% | 48.09% | 11.59% | 0.17% | 7.95% | 0.02% | 0.32% | 1.75% | Republican
|
| District 20, Texas | 67.81% | 21.86% | 5.47% | 0.13% | 2.88% | 0.15% | 0.07% | 1.62% | Democratic
|
| District 22, Texas | 24.96% | 41.34% | 13.23% | 0.32% | 17.97% | 0.01% | 0.22% | 1.95% | Republican
|
| District 23, Texas | 69.73% | 24.67% | 2.93% | 0.34% | 1.46% | 0.01% | 0.06% | 0.80% | Republican
|
| District 24, Texas | 24.61% | 48.41% | 9.90% | 0.27% | 13.52% | 0.29% | 0.35% | 2.65% | Republican
|
| District 27, Texas | 52.46% | 39.96% | 4.84% | 0.21% | 1.51% | 0.05% | 0.05% | 0.93% | Republican
|
| District 28, Texas | 78.20% | 15.92% | 3.64% | 0.11% | 1.06% | 0.00% | 0.13% | 0.94% | Democratic
|
| District 29, Texas | 77.29% | 9.59% | 10.79% | 0.10% | 1.57% | 0.03% | 0.04% | 0.58% | Democratic
|
| District 30, Texas | 39.09% | 14.87% | 43.12% | 0.15% | 1.55% | 0.01% | 0.03% | 1.18% | Democratic
|
| District 32, Texas | 25.96% | 49.94% | 13.43% | 0.21% | 7.73% | 0.01% | 0.14% | 2.57% | Republican
|
| District 33, Texas | 67.03% | 13.98% | 16.11% | 0.14% | 1.97% | 0.00% | 0.00% | 0.78% | Democratic
|
| District 34, Texas | 83.03% | 14.71% | 1.20% | 0.14% | 0.60% | 0.01% | 0.05% | 0.25% | Democratic
|
| District 35, Texas | 63.07% | 25.44% | 8.03% | 0.12% | 1.75% | 0.02% | 0.20% | 1.36% | Democratic
|
| District 7, Texas | 31.15% | 44.66% | 11.93% | 0.03% | 10.26% | 0.02% | 0.27% | 1.69% | Republican
|
| District 9, Texas | 38.28% | 10.87% | 37.67% | 0.11% | 11.93% | 0.09% | 0.19% | 0.86% | Democratic
|
| District 11, Virginia | 18.02% | 45.93% | 12.94% | 0.13% | 18.14% | 0.03% | 0.31% | 4.50% | Democratic
|
| District 3, Virginia | 5.93% | 31.80% | 56.50% | 0.36% | 1.73% | 0.08% | 0.35% | 3.25% | Democratic
|
| District 9, Washington | 12.67% | 47.17% | 10.73% | 0.44% | 22.12% | 1.48% | 0.12% | 5.26% | Democratic
|
| District 4, Wisconsin | 16.88% | 43.12% | 33.13% | 0.43% | 3.72% | 0.02% | 0.12% | 2.57% | Democratic
|
| Source: United States Census Bureau, "American Fact Finder: 2015 1-year estimates," accessed May 23, 2017 | |||||||||
Historical information
2013
The table below provides demographic data about each majority-minority district in the United States as of 2013. Information about the partisan affiliation of each district's representative dates to 2015. Click "[show]" on the table below to see the complete data set.
| Majority-minority districts in the United States, 2013 | |||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| District | Hispanic | White | Black | Native American |
Asian | Pacific Islander |
Other | Multiple races |
Representative's party (2015) |
| Alabama | |||||||||
| District 7 | 2.60% | 32% | 63.70% | 0.20% | 0.60% | 0% | 0.20% | 0.80% | Democratic
|
| Arizona | |||||||||
| District 3 | 61.30% | 28.20% | 4.30% | 3.40% | 1.50% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 1.10% | Democratic
|
| District 7 | 64.40% | 21% | 8.90% | 2.10% | 2.10% | 0.20% | 0.20% | 1.10% | Democratic
|
| California | |||||||||
| District 6 | 27% | 39.30% | 12% | 0.50% | 15.10% | 1.10% | 0.30% | 4.60% | Democratic
|
| District 8 | 35.90% | 49.60% | 8.10% | 1% | 2.80% | 0.40% | 0.10% | 2.10% | Republican
|
| District 9 | 37.70% | 36.50% | 8.10% | 0.40% | 13.30% | 0.40% | 0.10% | 3.40% | Democratic
|
| District 10 | 40.70% | 45.80% | 3% | 0.50% | 6.40% | 0.70% | 0.10% | 2.80% | Republican
|
| District 11 | 25.40% | 48.30% | 9% | 0.20% | 12.60% | 0.50% | 0.30% | 3.70% | Democratic
|
| District 12 | 14.50% | 44% | 5.70% | 0.20% | 31.40% | 0.40% | 0.40% | 3.30% | Democratic
|
| District 13 | 21.10% | 34.10% | 18.60% | 0.30% | 20.80% | 0.60% | 0.30% | 4.20% | Democratic
|
| District 14 | 24.40% | 36.30% | 3.10% | 0.20% | 30.80% | 1.40% | 0.40% | 3.40% | Democratic
|
| District 15 | 23.30% | 36.60% | 6.10% | 0.30% | 28.60% | 1% | 0.30% | 3.80% | Democratic
|
| District 16 | 58.30% | 24.60% | 5.70% | 0.50% | 9.10% | 0.20% | 0.10% | 1.50% | Democratic
|
| District 17 | 17.50% | 26.30% | 2.60% | 0.20% | 49.50% | 0.50% | 0.30% | 3.10% | Democratic
|
| District 19 | 41.10% | 26.60% | 2.80% | 0.20% | 26.10% | 0.40% | 0.20% | 2.60% | Democratic
|
| District 20 | 51% | 38.80% | 2.10% | 0.30% | 5.10% | 0.40% | 0.10% | 2.30% | Democratic
|
| District 21 | 71.60% | 18.70% | 4.30% | 0.50% | 3.30% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 1.30% | Republican
|
| District 22 | 45.20% | 42% | 2.80% | 0.50% | 7% | 0.10% | 0.20% | 2.10% | Republican
|
| District 23 | 36.40% | 49.50% | 5.90% | 0.80% | 4.60% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 2.40% | Republican
|
| District 25 | 36.10% | 44.80% | 7.40% | 0.20% | 7.80% | 0.20% | 0.20% | 3.20% | Republican
|
| District 26 | 43.70% | 45.60% | 1.70% | 0.20% | 6.40% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 2.10% | Democratic
|
| District 27 | 26.90% | 29.10% | 4.40% | 0.10% | 36.80% | 0.20% | 0.30% | 2.20% | Democratic
|
| District 29 | 68.40% | 18.30% | 3.60% | 0.10% | 8% | 0.10% | 0.30% | 1.10% | Democratic
|
| District 31 | 50.50% | 28.80% | 10.20% | 0.20% | 7.30% | 0.30% | 0.30% | 2.40% | Democratic
|
| District 32 | 62% | 18% | 2.60% | 0.20% | 15.80% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 1.30% | Democratic
|
| District 34 | 65.60% | 9.70% | 4% | 0.20% | 19.10% | 0.20% | 0.20% | 0.90% | Democratic
|
| District 35 | 69.20% | 15.40% | 6.80% | 0.20% | 6.30% | 0.30% | 0.20% | 1.60% | Democratic
|
| District 36 | 46.80% | 43.80% | 3.60% | 0.50% | 3.10% | 0.20% | 0.20% | 1.70% | Democratic
|
| District 37 | 37.90% | 24.80% | 24.50% | 0.10% | 9.40% | 0.10% | 0.50% | 2.60% | Democratic
|
| District 38 | 61.30% | 18.40% | 3.60% | 0.30% | 14.40% | 0.30% | 0.30% | 1.40% | Democratic
|
| District 39 | 33.40% | 32.90% | 2.20% | 0.20% | 28.70% | 0.20% | 0.20% | 2.20% | Republican
|
| District 40 | 87.20% | 5.20% | 4.70% | 0.10% | 2.20% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 0.30% | Democratic
|
| District 41 | 57.40% | 25.20% | 9.20% | 0.30% | 5.10% | 0.30% | 0.20% | 2.20% | Democratic
|
| District 42 | 36.40% | 45.90% | 5.10% | 0.40% | 8.70% | 0.40% | 0.20% | 2.90% | Republican
|
| District 43 | 45.90% | 15% | 23.20% | 0.10% | 12.40% | 0.50% | 0.20% | 2.50% | Democratic
|
| District 44 | 69.20% | 6.90% | 15.80% | 0.20% | 5.50% | 0.60% | 0.20% | 1.60% | Democratic
|
| District 46 | 66.50% | 18.70% | 1.70% | 0.20% | 11.50% | 0.30% | 0.10% | 1% | Democratic
|
| District 47 | 34.20% | 33% | 7.20% | 0.30% | 21.20% | 0.70% | 0.20% | 3.20% | Democratic
|
| District 51 | 69% | 14.10% | 6.80% | 0.40% | 7.80% | 0.30% | 0.10% | 1.50% | Democratic
|
| District 53 | 32.60% | 42% | 7.80% | 0.30% | 12.80% | 0.60% | 0.20% | 3.70% | Democratic
|
| Florida | |||||||||
| District 5 | 11.80% | 31% | 51.90% | 0.20% | 2.40% | 0.10% | 0.30% | 2.10% | Democratic
|
| District 9 | 45.70% | 38.00% | 9.70% | 0.20% | 4.30% | 0.10% | 0.40% | 1.70% | Democratic
|
| District 14 | 27.90% | 41.50% | 25.60% | 0.20% | 2.80% | 0.10% | 0.20% | 1.80% | Democratic
|
| District 20 | 19.70% | 24.80% | 52% | 0.20% | 1.80% | 0.10% | 0.30% | 1.50% | Democratic
|
| District 23 | 37.60% | 46.50% | 10.40% | 0.20% | 3.30% | 0% | 0.50% | 1.40% | Democratic
|
| District 24 | 32% | 12.30% | 53% | 0.10% | 1.60% | 0.00% | 0.30% | 0.90% | Democratic
|
| District 25 | 71.00% | 19.70% | 6.40% | 0.10% | 2.00% | 0.00% | 0.20% | 0.60% | Republican
|
| District 26 | 67.90% | 20.00% | 9% | 0.10% | 1.70% | 0.00% | 0.20% | 0.80% | Republican
|
| District 27 | 73.50% | 17.90% | 6.30% | 0% | 1.60% | 0.00% | 0.20% | 0.50% | Republican
|
| Georgia | |||||||||
| District 2 | 4.60% | 41.50% | 51% | 0.20% | 1.10% | 0% | 0.20% | 1.40% | Democratic
|
| District 4 | 9.30% | 26.70% | 57.10% | 0.10% | 4.60% | 0% | 0.30% | 1.70% | Democratic
|
| District 5 | 7.80% | 28.40% | 58% | 0.20% | 3.90% | 0% | 0.10% | 1.60% | Democratic
|
| District 7 | 18.70% | 49.10% | 17.90% | 0.20% | 11.80% | 0% | 0.30% | 1.90% | Republican
|
| District 13 | 10.30% | 29.80% | 55% | 0.20% | 2.50% | 0% | 0.30% | 1.90% | Democratic
|
| Hawaii | |||||||||
| District 1 | 7.50% | 16.90% | 1.90% | 0.10% | 50.10% | 7% | 0.10% | 16.40% | Democratic
|
| District 2 | 11.10% | 28.80% | 1.40% | 0.20% | 24.70% | 11.30% | 0.20% | 22.30% | Democratic
|
| Illinois | |||||||||
| District 1 | 9.10% | 35.50% | 52.10% | 0.10% | 1.90% | 0% | 0.10% | 1.20% | Democratic
|
| District 2 | 13% | 29.40% | 55.20% | 0.10% | 0.70% | 0% | 0.10% | 1.50% | Democratic
|
| District 4 | 70.70% | 21.50% | 4% | 0.10% | 2.70% | 0% | 0.10% | 0.90% | Democratic
|
| District 7 | 13% | 27% | 52.30% | 0.10% | 6% | 0% | 0.20% | 1.30% | Democratic
|
| Louisiana | |||||||||
| District 2 | 5.80% | 28.40% | 61.60% | 0.20% | 2.60% | 0% | 0.20% | 1.10% | Democratic
|
| Maryland | |||||||||
| District 4 | 14.60% | 27.20% | 52.80% | 0.20% | 3.20% | 0% | 0.20% | 1.80% | Democratic
|
| District 5 | 6.90% | 48.90% | 37.30% | 0.30% | 3.80% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 2.60% | Democratic
|
| District 7 | 3.50% | 34.20% | 54% | 0.30% | 5.80% | 0% | 0.30% | 2% | Democratic
|
| Massachusetts | |||||||||
| District 7 | 19.90% | 43.30% | 23.50% | 0.20% | 9.40% | 0% | 1.30% | 2.40% | Democratic
|
| Michigan | |||||||||
| District 13 | 6.60% | 33.60% | 56% | 0.30% | 1.20% | 0% | 0.10% | 2.20% | Democratic
|
| District 14 | 4.60% | 31.20% | 57.40% | 0.20% | 4% | 0% | 0.20% | 2.30% | Democratic
|
| Mississippi | |||||||||
| District 2 | 1.80% | 32.20% | 64.70% | 0.30% | 0.50% | 0% | 0% | 0.60% | Democratic
|
| Missouri | |||||||||
| District 1 | 3% | 42.70% | 48.80% | 0.20% | 2.60% | 0% | 0.20% | 2.50% | Democratic
|
| Nevada | |||||||||
| District 1 | 43.20% | 35.90% | 9.50% | 0.40% | 7.70% | 0.60% | 0.20% | 2.50% | Democratic
|
| District 4 | 28.50% | 47.90% | 13.90% | 0.90% | 4.90% | 0.60% | 0.20% | 3.10% | Republican
|
| New Jersey | |||||||||
| District 8 | 53.80% | 26.90% | 8.60% | 0.10% | 8.10% | 0.10% | 1.10% | 1.30% | Democratic
|
| District 9 | 34.20% | 42% | 9.90% | 0.10% | 12.20% | 0% | 0.40% | 1.10% | Democratic
|
| District 10 | 17.50% | 21.30% | 52% | 0.10% | 6.70% | 0% | 0.80% | 1.50% | Democratic
|
| New Mexico | |||||||||
| District 1 | 48.50% | 41.50% | 2.40% | 3.60% | 2.10% | 0.10% | 0.20% | 1.70% | Democratic
|
| District 2 | 52% | 39.40% | 1.50% | 5.10% | 0.70% | 0% | 0.10% | 1.10% | Republican
|
| District 3 | 39.50% | 39.20% | 1.40% | 17.10% | 1% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 1.50% | Democratic
|
| New York | |||||||||
| District 5 | 19.10% | 11.60% | 48.80% | 0.30% | 12.70% | 0.10% | 4.50% | 3% | Democratic
|
| District 6 | 18.70% | 37.90% | 3.20% | 0.30% | 37.40% | 0% | 0.50% | 2% | Democratic
|
| District 7 | 43.80% | 27.90% | 8% | 0.20% | 18.20% | 0% | 0.50% | 1.40% | Democratic
|
| District 8 | 17.80% | 22.60% | 53% | 0.20% | 4.60% | 0.10% | 0.40% | 1.30% | Democratic
|
| District 9 | 10.80% | 30.50% | 50.60% | 0.20% | 6.20% | 0% | 0.40% | 1.40% | Democratic
|
| District 13 | 54% | 13.30% | 26.40% | 0.10% | 4.10% | 0% | 0.60% | 1.50% | Democratic
|
| District 14 | 47.60% | 24.60% | 9.50% | 0.20% | 16.30% | 0% | 0.50% | 1.30% | Democratic
|
| District 15 | 66.10% | 2.30% | 28.10% | 0.20% | 1.90% | 0% | 0.60% | 0.80% | Democratic
|
| District 16 | 23.30% | 38.90% | 31% | 0.20% | 4.50% | 0.10% | 0.50% | 1.60% | Democratic
|
| North Carolina | |||||||||
| District 1 | 7.90% | 35.60% | 52.30% | 0.60% | 1.40% | 0% | 0.10% | 2% | Democratic
|
| District 4 | 11.50% | 48.40% | 31.70% | 0.30% | 5.10% | 0.10% | 0.40% | 2.50% | Democratic
|
| District 12 | 14.60% | 28.80% | 49.50% | 0.30% | 4.60% | 0.10% | 0.20% | 1.90% | Democratic
|
| Ohio | |||||||||
| District 11 | 3.80% | 38.30% | 53.20% | 0.20% | 2.20% | 0% | 0.10% | 2.10% | Democratic
|
| Pennsylvania | |||||||||
| District 1 | 15.70% | 41.20% | 34.20% | 0.20% | 6.70% | 0% | 0.20% | 1.90% | Democratic
|
| District 2 | 5.70% | 29% | 58.40% | 0.20% | 4.50% | 0% | 0.30% | 1.90% | Democratic
|
| South Carolina | |||||||||
| District 6 | 4.60% | 35.70% | 57.20% | 0.20% | 1% | 0% | 0.10% | 1.20% | Democratic
|
| Tennessee | |||||||||
| District 9 | 6.60% | 25.50% | 64.50% | 0.10% | 1.80% | 0% | 0.10% | 1.40% | Democratic
|
| Texas | |||||||||
| District 7 | 29.60% | 46.50% | 12.50% | 0.10% | 9.60% | 0% | 0.20% | 1.50% | Republican
|
| District 9 | 37.30% | 12% | 38.30% | 0.10% | 10.90% | 0% | 0.20% | 1.20% | Democratic
|
| District 15 | 80.50% | 16.10% | 1.60% | 0.10% | 1.20% | 0% | 0% | 0.50% | Democratic
|
| District 16 | 79.50% | 14.90% | 3.20% | 0.20% | 1.10% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 0.80% | Democratic
|
| District 18 | 39.20% | 16.60% | 39.40% | 0.10% | 3.60% | 0.10% | 0.20% | 0.90% | Democratic
|
| District 20 | 68.10% | 23.20% | 4.60% | 0.10% | 2.60% | 0.10% | 0.20% | 1.20% | Democratic
|
| District 22 | 24.70% | 44.20% | 12.60% | 0.20% | 16.40% | 0% | 0.10% | 1.70% | Republican
|
| District 23 | 69.50% | 25.10% | 2.90% | 0.40% | 1.20% | 0% | 0.10% | 0.80% | Republican
|
| District 27 | 50% | 42.20% | 5.20% | 0.10% | 1.30% | 0% | 0.10% | 1.10% | Republican
|
| District 28 | 76.90% | 16.90% | 4.20% | 0.10% | 0.90% | 0% | 0.10% | 0.90% | Democratic
|
| District 29 | 76.60% | 11.40% | 9.60% | 0.20% | 1.70% | 0% | 0.10% | 0.40% | Democratic
|
| District 30 | 35.50% | 17.10% | 44.10% | 0.10% | 1.80% | 0% | 0.10% | 1.20% | Democratic
|
| District 33 | 65.50% | 15.70% | 15.70% | 0.20% | 1.90% | 0% | 0.20% | 0.70% | Democratic
|
| District 34 | 82.80% | 15% | 1.20% | 0.10% | 0.60% | 0% | 0.10% | 0.20% | Democratic
|
| District 35 | 63.20% | 24.90% | 9% | 0.20% | 1.30% | 0.10% | 0.10% | 1.20% | Democratic
|
| Virginia | |||||||||
| District 3 | 5.50% | 32.60% | 56.90% | 0.30% | 1.80% | 0.10% | 0.20% | 2.60% | Democratic
|
| District 11 | 17.90% | 48.80% | 12% | 0.20% | 17.40% | 0.10% | 0.30% | 3.30% | Democratic
|
| Washington | |||||||||
| District 9 | 11.7% | 49.1% | 11% | 0.6% | 21.2% | 1.2% | 0.3% | 5% | Democratic
|
| Wisconsin | |||||||||
| District 4 | 15.7% | 44.2% | 33.7% | 0.4% | 3.4% | 0% | 0.1% | 2.5% | Democratic
|
| Source: United States Census Bureau, "2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates," accessed April 8, 2015 | |||||||||
Support and opposition
Support
Proponents of majority-minority districts argue that these districts are a necessary hindrance to the practice of cracking, which occurs when a constituency is divided between several districts in order to prevent it from achieving a majority in any one district. In an April 2015 report for the Congressional Research Service, legislative attorney L. Paige Whitaker described this argument as follows:[6]
| “ | A majority-minority district is one in which a racial or language minority group comprises a voting majority. The creation of such districts can avoid racial vote dilution by preventing the submergence of minority voters into the majority, which can deny minority voters the opportunity to elect a candidate of their choice.[8] | ” |
| —L. Paige Whitaker | ||
In addition, supporters argue that the drawing of majority-minority districts has resulted in an increased number of minority representatives in state legislatures and Congress. The American Civil Liberties Union, in a 2001 report, made this argument:[1][2][3][14]
| “ | In 1964, there were only about 300 black elected officials nationwide. By 1998 the number had grown to more than 8,858. This increase is the direct result of the increase in majority-minority districts since passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965. ... Given the persistent patterns of racial bloc voting in the South, the destruction of majority-minority districts, whether at the congressional or state and local levels, would inevitable lead to a decline in the number of minority office holders.[8] | ” |
| —American Civil Liberties Union | ||
Opposition
Critics contend that the establishment of majority-minority districts can result in packing, which occurs when a constituency or voting group is placed within a single district, thereby minimizing its influence in other districts. Kim Soffen, writing for The Washington Post in June 2016, summarized this argument as follows:[15]
| “ | Imagine the minority-favored candidate can win an election in a district if at least 30 percent of voters are minorities. What harm is done by the legislators packing the district up to 50 percent minority voters? Much like political gerrymandering, it limits black influence in surrounding districts. It would require the creation of, for instance, a 50 percent and a 10 percent black district, rather than two 30 percent black districts. In other words, the requirement would give black voters one representative of their choice rather than two.[8] | ” |
| —Kim Soffen | ||
Critics argue that, because minority groups tend to vote Democratic, majority-minority districts ultimately present an unfair advantage to Republicans by consolidating Democratic votes into a smaller number of districts. Steven Hill, writing for The Atlantic in June 2013, made the following argument:[1][2][3]
| “ | The drawing of majority-minority districts not only elected more minorities, it also had the effect of bleeding minority voters out of all the surrounding districts. Given that minority voters were the most reliably Democratic voters, that made all of the neighboring districts more Republican. The black, Latino, and Asian representatives mostly were replacing white Democrats, and the increase in minority representation was coming at the expense of electing fewer Democrats.[8] | ” |
| —Steven Hill | ||
Recent news
The link below is to the most recent stories in a Google news search for the terms Majority minority districts. These results are automatically generated from Google. Ballotpedia does not curate or endorse these articles.
See also
- Redistricting
- State-by-state redistricting procedures
- State legislative and congressional redistricting after the 2010 census
- Margin of victory in state legislative elections before and after the 2010 census
- Margin of victory analysis for the 2014 congressional elections
External links
- All About Redistricting
- National Conference of State Legislatures, "Redistricting Process"
- FairVote, "Redistricting"
Footnotes
- ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 Indy Week, "Cracked, stacked and packed: Initial redistricting maps met with skepticism and dismay," June 29, 2011
- ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 The Atlantic, "How the Voting Rights Act Hurts Democrats and Minorities," June 17, 2013
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 Redrawing the Lines, "The Role of Section 2 - Majority Minority Districts," accessed April 6, 2015
- ↑ United States Census Bureau, "2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates," accessed April 8, 2015
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 United States Census Bureau, "American Fact Finder: 2015 1-year estimates," accessed May 23, 2017
- ↑ 6.0 6.1 Congressional Research Service, "Congressional Redistricting and the Voting Rights Act: A Legal Overview," April 13, 2015
- ↑ Legal Information Institute, "Voting Rights Act," accessed June 19, 2017
- ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
- ↑ Yale Law School, The Avalon Project, "Voting Rights Act of 1965; August 6, 1965," accessed April 6, 2015
- ↑ Justice.gov, "Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act," accessed July 21, 2015
- ↑ 11.0 11.1 11.2 The Oyez Project at IIT Chicago-Kent College of Law, "Thornburg v. Gingles," accessed May 20, 2015
- ↑ 12.0 12.1 12.2 Racial and Ethnic Tensions in American Communities: Poverty, Inequality, and Discrimination—Volume VII: The Mississippi Delta Report, "Chapter 3–Voting Rights and Political Representation in the Mississippi Delta," accessed May 20, 2015
- ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 Justia.com, "Thornburg v. Gingles, 478 U.S. 30 (1986)," June 30, 1986
- ↑ American Civil LIberties Union, "Everything You Always Wanted to Know About Redistricting," April 2001
- ↑ The Washington Post, "How racial gerrymandering deprives black people of political power," June 9, 2016
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