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Texas state legislative Republican primaries, 2018/Full article

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2018 Texas
State Legislature
elections
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GeneralNovember 6, 2018
PrimaryMarch 6, 2018
Primary RunoffMay 22, 2018
Past election results
201620142012
2018 elections
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The Republican primary elections for the seats in the Texas State Senate and Texas House of Representatives were on March 6, 2018, and the Republican primary runoff elections for the primaries where no candidate received more than 50 percent of the vote were on May 22, 2018. Democratic primary elections were also scheduled for March 6, 2018, with runoff elections on May 22, 2018.

Visit our section on voter information to see what Texans needed to know on election day.

Multiple Republicans ran in 41 state House races and seven state Senate races, meaning there was 48 Republican primaries on March 6. Of the 48 Republican primaries, 32 occurred in races where a Republican incumbent was running. Visit our section on primary competitiveness to see what the primaries looked like in 2014 and 2016. Visit our races to watch overview page to see the details on each competitive race.

The 2018 primaries featured factional conflict among Texas Republicans. Visit this page to see how the factions defined themselves, which issues divided them, and how political observers characterized their differences. To see how the factions lined up on issues such as education financing and property tax rates, visit our section on policy differences.

The conflict in the state House Republican primaries was between a faction supportive of House Speaker Joe Straus (R) and those opposed to his leadership, including members of the Texas Freedom Caucus.[1] Conflict in the state Senate Republican primaries fell along similar lines, although the anti-Straus faction already had control in that chamber partially due to the leadership of Lieutenant Gov. Dan Patrick (R). To see which factions members lean toward, visit our section on factional conflict. To see what happened between the factions in the past, including a 2017 special session, the 2016 primaries, and the 2009 House speaker election, visit our section on key events.

Straus announced his retirement in October 2017, setting up a contest to elect the next speaker of the state House in 2019. Both the pro-Straus faction and the anti-Straus faction are likely to run candidates in the speaker's race, meaning the 2018 primaries will decide which faction will have more influence if Republicans remain in control of the chamber. Straus was initially elected speaker in 2009 with support from a small group of Republicans and Democrats. To read more about the 2019 House speaker's race and a potential change in how the speaker is elected, as well as the policy consequences of a leadership change, visit our section on what is at stake in the primaries.

Satellite groups like Empower Texans and the Texas Association of Business lined up behind the factions, state leaders like Straus and Gov. Greg Abbott (R) issued endorsements, and major donors opened their pocketbooks. To learn more about who the major players aligned with and what races they weighed in on, visit our section on campaign activity.

Factional conflict and involvement by political organizations made nearly every Republican primary a race we watched. To learn more about what happened in each primary, including who the candidates were and what groups were involved, visit our page on races we watched.

How to read this page

On this page, you will find:

  1. Regular updates on the latest endorsements, campaign ads, and notable events in the Republican primaries
  2. Our breakdown of the candidates' factional affiliations and a chart that tracked how the pro-Straus and anti-Straus groups performed on election night
  3. A closer look at the factions members leaned toward based on ratings by political observers and outside groups
  4. The races to watch for the March 6 primaries
  5. What was at stake in the 2018 primaries for public policy and the 2019 House speaker's race
  6. Endorsements and campaigning by influencers like Gov. Greg Abbott and satellite groups like Empower Texans and the Texas Association of Business
  7. Key events that affected the primaries
  8. A timeline of events for the 2018 primaries
  9. What the media said about the 2018 primaries
  10. An analysis comparing the competitiveness of the 2018 primaries to the 2016 and 2014 primaries
  11. An analysis of early voting figures in the 2018 Texas primaries
  12. Information for Texas voters on early voting, photo identification requirements, and absentee voting
  13. The partisan breakdown of the Texas Legislature heading into the 2018 elections
  14. An overview of Texas' political climate during the 2018 primaries
  15. A history of Texas' federal and statewide elections from the early 2000s to 2017

Election updates

Ballotpedia's series on the Texas state legislative Republican primaries
Overview
Page 1: Election night coverage of primary matchups
Page 2: Races to watch in the 2018 primaries
Page 3: Top 10 races in 2018
Page 4: Factional conflict in the 2018 primaries
Page 5: What was at stake in the 2018 primaries?
Page 6: Campaign activity by influencers and satellite organizations
Page 7: Noteworthy events, timeline, and media coverage of the 2018 primaries
Page 8: Competitiveness in the 2018 primaries
Page 9: Campaign finance in the 2018 primaries
Page 10: May 22 primary runoffs

This section contains the most recent events in the state legislative Republican primaries.

  • May 22, 2018: Pro-Straus Republicans beat anti-Straus in all five head-to-head matchups in the Republican primary runoffs. However, Pro-Straus state Rep. Scott Cosper lost to Brad Buckley, a candidate without a factional affiliation, and anti-Straus Deanne Marie Metzger beat unaffiliated Joe Ruzicka for the right to face incumbent Victoria Neave Criado in the general election.
    • Overall, three pro-Straus House incumbents and one pro-Straus Senate incumbent lost in 2018. This was fewer than in 2016 (six losses) and 2014 (nine losses).
    • Pro-Straus candidates won eight of the 15 open Republican primaries. Anti-Straus candidates won four and unaffiliated candidates won three.
  • March 7, 2018: The anti-Straus faction of the Republican Party in the Texas Legislature defeated three pro-Straus incumbents in the March 6 primaries. Fewer Republican incumbents lost than in 2016 (six losses) and 2014 (nine losses).
    • Each side won three races without sitting incumbents, however, meaning that the seven runoff elections now set for May 22 will likely decide which faction in the legislature can claim an outright victory this primary season. Five of the seven runoffs will feature a clear pro-Straus vs. anti-Straus matchup (Districts 4, 8, 13, 62, and 121).
    • Anti-Straus challengers unseated pro-Straus incumbents state Sen. Craig Estes and state Reps. Wayne Faircloth and Jason Villalba. Pro-Straus state Rep. Scott Cosper is in a runoff. Key wins for the pro-Straus faction included fending off anti-Straus challengers in Senate District 31 and House Districts 2, 99, 122, and 134.
  • March 6, 2018: As of 11:59 AM CST on election night, neither faction had a clear victory, although anti-Straus candidates did increase their numbers and the pro-Straus faction lost in key races. With 42 of 48 primaries called, here are how the results ended up:
    • Pro-Straus faction: The pro-Straus faction had key victories in Senate District 31 and House Districts 2, 98, 99, 122, and 134. All of these races involved a pro-Straus candidate defeating quality challengers from the anti-Straus faction. Despite these holds, the pro-Straus faction lost incumbents to primary challengers in Senate District 30 and House Districts 23 and 114. Their incumbents were also forced into possible runoffs in House Districts 54 and 88.
    • Anti-Straus faction: The big gains of the night for the anti-Straus faction were in House Districts 23 and 114, where challengers knocked off incumbents Wayne Faircloth and Jason Villalba, respectively. They also had a big win in Senate District 30 with Pat Fallon's defeat of Craig Estes Their challenges against Sarah Davis in District 134 and Lyle Larson in District 122 did not pan out though, and they also failed to defeat Kel Seliger in Senate District 31.
    • Open seats: More is to come for some of the 15 Republican primaries without incumbents. At least five of the 11 primaries with determined outcomes will have runoffs on May 22 between pro-Straus and anti-Straus candidates. Two open seats were captured outright by pro-Straus candidates and one was captured by an anti-Straus candidate. In the other three races, the factional affiliation of the winner was unknown.



Primary matchups

The charts below outline the March 6 primary races for the state Senate and the state House. They show how the factions performed on election night.

Texas Senate Republicans
Party Before March 6 primaries After March 6 primaries
     Pro-Straus 2 1
     Anti-Straus 1 3
     Unknown 3 3
     Open seats 1 -
     Runoffs - -
     Too close to call - -
Total 7 7



Texas House Republicans
Party Before March 6 primaries After March 6 primaries
     Pro-Straus 20 20
     Anti-Straus 4 9
     Unknown 2 5
     Open seats 15 -
     Runoffs - 7
     Too close to call - -
Total 41 41



To determine whether candidates leaned toward the pro-Straus or the anti-Straus faction of the Texas Republican Party, Ballotpedia examined endorsements from the following organizations that support candidates from one of the factions. The names of the organizations are abbreviated in the charts. To learn more about these organizations and the endorsements they made in the 2018 cycle, visit our section on satellite organizations.

Pro-Straus organizations

  • Associated Republicans of Texas (ART)
  • Texas Association of Business (TAB)
  • Texas Medical Association (TMA)
  • Texas Parent PAC (TPP)

Anti-Straus organizations

  • Empower Texans (ET)
  • Texas Right to Life (TRL)
  • Texas Values (TV)[2]
  • Young Conservatives of Texas (YCT)

Methodology
A candidate's factional alliance was determined using the following criteria:

  • Did two or more groups aligned with a faction endorse the candidate? If a candidate was endorsed by the Texas Parent PAC or Empower Texans (both of which have clear ideological and policy leanings), one endorsement was enough to determine their alliance. If organizations from both factions endorsed a candidate, she or he was declared unknown.
  • Did the candidate receive any non-organizational endorsement from a political actor tied to a faction such as Speaker Straus or the Texas Freedom Caucus? Any such endorsement is footnoted.

State Senate

Factional alliances in the Texas State Senate Republican primaries
Primary contests Pro-Straus organizations Anti-Straus organizations
District Candidate Faction Election result ART TAB TMA TPP ET TRL YCT
District 2
Cindy Burkett Pro-Straus Defeated
Bob Hall (i) Anti-Straus Won
District 5
Harold Ramm Pro-Straus Defeated
Charles Schwertner (i) Unknown Won
District 8
Phillip Huffines Unknown Defeated
Angela Paxton Unknown Won
District 17
Joan Huffman (i) Unknown[3] Won
Kristin Tassin Pro-Straus Defeated
District 25
Donna Campbell (i) Unknown Won
Shannon McClendon Pro-Straus Defeated
District 30
Craig Estes (i) Pro-Straus Defeated
Pat Fallon Anti-Straus Won
District 31
Mike Canon Anti-Straus Defeated
Victor Leal Unknown Defeated
Kel Seliger (i) Pro-Straus Won

State House

Factional alliances in the Texas House of Representatives Republican primaries
Primary contests Pro-Straus organizations Anti-Straus organizations
District Candidate Faction Election result ART TAB TMA TPP ET TRL TV YCT
District 2
Dan Flynn (i) Pro-Straus Won
Bryan Slaton Anti-Straus Defeated
District 4
Keith Bell Pro-Straus Runoff
Earl Brunner Unknown Defeated
Ashley McKee Pro-Straus Defeated
Stuart Spitzer Anti-Straus Runoff
District 6
Ted Kamel Pro-Straus Defeated
Matt Schaefer (i) Anti-Straus Won
District 8
Cody Harris Pro-Straus Runoff
Thomas McNutt Anti-Straus Runoff
Linda Timmerman Pro-Straus Defeated
District 9
Garrett Boersma Anti-Straus Defeated
Chris Paddie (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 11
Travis Clardy (i) Pro-Straus Won
Danny Ward Anti-Straus Defeated
District 13
Ben Leman Pro-Straus Runoff
Daniel McCarthy Unknown Defeated
David Stall Pro-Straus Defeated
Jill Wolfskill Anti-Straus Runoff
Marc Young Unknown Defeated
District 14
Rick Davis Unknown Defeated
Sarah Laningham Unknown Defeated
John Raney (i) Pro-Straus Won
Jeston Texeira Unknown Defeated
District 15
Steve Toth Anti-Straus Won
Jackie Waters Pro-Straus Defeated
District 18
Ernest Bailes (i) Pro-Straus Won
Emily Kebodeaux Cook Anti-Straus Defeated
District 23
Wayne Faircloth (i) Pro-Straus Defeated
Mayes Middleton Anti-Straus Won
District 25
Dennis Bonnen (i) Pro-Straus Won
Damon Rambo Anti-Straus Defeated
District 45
Amy Akers Unknown Defeated
Naomi Narvaiz Unknown Defeated
Amber Pearce Unknown Defeated
Ken Strange Pro-Straus Won
Austin Talley Unknown Defeated
District 47
Patty Vredevelt Unknown Defeated
Jay Wiley Anti-Straus Defeated
Paul Workman (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 52
Cynthia Flores Pro-Straus Won
Jeremy Story Unknown Defeated
Christopher Ward Unknown Defeated
District 54
Brad Buckley Unknown Runoff
Scott Cosper (i) Pro-Straus Runoff
Christopher Ward Unknown Defeated
District 55
C.J. Grisham Anti-Straus Defeated
Brandon Hall Unknown Defeated
Hugh Shine (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 59
Chris Evans Unknown Defeated
J.D. Sheffield (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 60
Mike Lang (i) Anti-Straus Won
Jim Largent Pro-Straus Defeated
District 62
Kevin Couch Unknown Defeated
Brent Lawson Anti-Straus Runoff
Reggie Smith Pro-Straus Runoff
District 64
Mark Roy Anti-Straus Defeated
Lynn Stucky (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 65
Kevin Simmons Unknown Defeated
Ron Simmons (i) Unknown Won
District 73
Kyle Biedermann (i) Anti-Straus Won
Dave Campbell Pro-Straus Defeated
District 87
Drew Brassfield Anti-Straus Defeated
Four Price (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 88
Richard Beyea Unknown Defeated
Jason Huddleston Anti-Straus Defeated
Ken King (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 89
Candy Noble Unknown Won
John Payton Unknown Defeated
District 98
Giovanni Capriglione (i) Pro-Straus Won
Armin Mizani Anti-Straus Defeated
District 99
Bo French Anti-Straus Defeated
Charlie Geren (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 102
Chad Carnahan Unknown Defeated
Scott Kilgore Unknown Defeated
Linda Koop (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 105
Rodney Anderson (i) Unknown Won
Dinesh Mali Unknown Defeated
District 106
Clint Bedsole Pro-Straus Defeated
Jared Patterson Anti-Straus Won
District 107
Deanna Maria Metzger Anti-Straus Runoff
Brad Perry Pro-Straus[4] Defeated
Joe Ruzicka Unknown Runoff
District 113
Jonathan Boos Anti-Straus Won
Jim Phaup Pro-Straus Defeated
Charlie Lauersdorf Unknown Defeated
District 114
Lisa Luby Ryan Anti-Straus Won
Jason Villalba (i) Pro-Straus Defeated
District 117
Michael Berlanga Unknown Won
Carlos Antonio Raymond Unknown Defeated
District 121
Steve Allison Pro-Straus Runoff
Matt Beebe Anti-Straus Runoff
Carlton Soules Unknown Defeated
Adrian Spears Unknown Defeated
Charlotte Williamson Unknown Defeated
Marc Whyte Unknown Defeated
District 122
Chris Fails Anti-Straus Defeated
Lyle Larson (i) Pro-Straus Won
District 126
Kevin Fulton Anti-Straus Defeated
E. Sam Harless Pro-Straus Won
Gail Stanart Unknown Defeated
District 134
Sarah Davis (i) Pro-Straus Won
Susanna Dokupil Anti-Straus Defeated
District 144
Gilbert Pena Unknown Defeated
Ruben Villarreal Unknown Won
District 150
Valoree Swanson (i) Anti-Straus Won
James Wilson Pro-Straus Defeated


Factional conflict

Conflict between factions in the Texas GOP was at the center of the 2018 state legislative primaries as Republicans fought for control of the state's power structures. To go more in depth on how the factions defined themselves and which issues mattered, click here.

Generally, the factions in the state House consist of members allied with House Speaker Joe Straus (R) and those opposed to him, including members of the Texas Freedom Caucus. The following members have been identified as Straus allies and Freedom Caucus members, respectively.

Straus allies[5]


Freedom Caucus members[6]

In the sections below, we use analyses from Mark Jones at Rice University and the organizations Empower Texans and the Texas Association of Business to detail which factions members leaned toward, how the conflict was different in the separate chambers, and how the conflict played out in the primary elections.

Mark Jones analysis

State House

According to Mark Jones of Rice University, the central conflict in the 2018 Texas state House Republican primaries was between the party's movement conservative wing and more centrist conservative members allied with House Speaker Joe Straus (R).[1] Jones argued that the movement conservatives tried to run primary challengers against centrist conservatives to order to decrease the chances that a coalition of centrist Republicans and Democrats elect the House speaker in 2019, which is the way that Joe Straus came to power in 2009.

Using the roll call votes they cast in 2017, Jones assigned members of the 2017-2018 Texas state House scores that estimated their ideological positions relative to other members. For Republicans, the scores range from -0.75 (most liberal Republican) to 0.75 (most conservative Republican). The scores for Democrats range from -1.07 (most conservative Democrat) to -1.97 (most liberal Democrat).[7]

The following four charts show the 94 members of the Republican caucus divided into quartiles from most conservative to least conservative according to their ideological score.[8] The four charts show the quartiles with the most conservative Republicans (24 members), the conservative-leaning Republicans (23 members), the centrist-leaning Republicans (24 members), and the centrist (or least conservative) Republicans (23 members). The charts also include information on the primary challenges that specific members faced as well as key endorsements and other relevant information. Click [Show] to see the charts.

Analysis

An analysis of the four quartiles of the House Republican caucus shows the following:

  • Twelve of the 26 incumbent primary challenges (46.2 percent) were against members in the least conservative quartile.
  • With Straus excluded, only one member from the least conservative quartile retired. There were 10 retirements from the other three quartiles.
  • Six of the 24 members in the most conservative quartile (25 percent) faced primary challenges, including four of the 12 members (33.3 percent) of the Texas Freedom Caucus.
  • Of the 17 members identified as allies of Joe Straus, 13 (76.4 percent) faced primary challenges and one did not file for re-election.
  • As of January 2018, Gov. Greg Abbott (R) had endorsed three members of the conservative-leaning quartile, two members of the centrist-leaning quartile, and one member of the least conservative quartile. He had also endorsed a primary challenger of a member of the least conservative quartile (Sarah Davis, the least conservative Republican in the caucus) and a primary challenge of a Straus ally in the conservative-leaning quartile (Wayne Faircloth).

State Senate

According to Mark Jones of Rice University, movement conservatives had almost completely replaced centrist conservatives in the state Senate Republican caucus prior to the 2018 primaries, pointing to the period from 2012 to 2016 as when most centrists were either defeated or retired from the Senate. He also points to Dan Patrick's (R) defeat of David Dewhurst (R) in the 2014 lieutenant gubernatorial Republican primary as a sign that the state Senate was moving toward the conservatives.[1] The lieutenant governor serves as the president of the Texas State Senate.

Jones said that in 2018 conservatives would focus on defeating the remaining centrists.[1] As he did for the state House, Jones used roll call votes to assign members of the 2017-2018 Texas state Senate scores that estimated their ideological position relative to other members. For Republicans, the scores range from 0 (most liberal Republican) to 0.85 (most conservative Republican). The scores for Democrats ranged from -0.69 (most conservative Democrat) to -2.86 (most liberal Democrat).[7]

The chart below shows all 21 Senate Republicans, even if they did not have an election in 2018. They are arranged from most conservative to least conservative according to their ideological score. The chart also includes information on the primary challenges that specific members faced as well as key endorsements and other relevant information. Click [Show] to see the chart.

Analysis

An analysis of the Texas State Senate shows the following:

  • Three of the six primary challenges in 2018 (50 percent) targeted three of the four least conservative members of the Senate Republican caucus.
  • Most of the members up for election in 2018 were among either the most conservative or the least conservative Senate Republicans. Four of the six most conservative members did not face a primary and one did not file for re-election.

Empower Texans analysis

The organization Empower Texans computes a score they call the Fiscal Responsibility Index based on members' roll call votes on issues the organization says relate to "core budget and free enterprise issues that demonstrate legislators’ governing philosophy." The scores reflect the percentage of votes a member cast in favor of the position supported by Empower Texans in the 2017 session. A higher score indicates that a member more frequently aligned with the position supported by Empower Texans.

The average score for the entire Texas State Legislature for the 2017 session was 51. The legislature received a 60 for the 2015 session and a 49 for the 2013 session. Learn more about the score from Empower Texans by visiting their website.

State House

State representatives received an average score of 47 for the 2017 legislative session. Scores for Republicans ranged from 100 to 33. Scores for Democrats ranged from 36 to 15.

The following four charts show the 94 members of the Republican caucus divided into quartiles from highest scores to lowest scores.[8] The four charts show the quartiles with the highest scoring Republicans (24 members), second-highest scoring Republicans (23 members), third-highest scoring Republicans (24 members), and fourth-highest scoring Republicans (23 members). The charts also include information on the primary challenges that specific members are facing as well as key endorsements and other relevant information. Click [Show] to see the charts.

State Senate

State senators received an average score of 51 for the 2017 legislative session. Scores for Republicans ranged from 100 to 75. Scores for Democrats ranged from 56 to 28. The chart below shows all 21 Senate Republicans, even if they did not have an election in 2018. They are arranged from the highest scoring member to the lowest scoring member. The chart also includes information on the primary challenges that specific members are facing as well as key endorsements and other relevant information. Click [Show] to see the chart.

Texas Association of Business analysis

The Texas Association of Business computes a score it says measures members' support for business. The scores reflect the percentage of votes a member cast in favor of the position supported by the Texas Association of Business in the 2017 session. A higher score indicates that a member more frequently aligned with the position supported by the Texas Association of Business. The scores are listed from lowest to highest to provide consistency with the other scores detailed in this section.

Learn more about the score from the Texas Association of Business by visiting their webpage.

State House

Scores for House Republicans ranged from 94 to 41. The following four charts show the 94 members of the Republican caucus divided into quartiles from lowest scores to highest scores.[8] The four charts show the quartiles with the lowest scoring Republicans (24 members), second-lowest scoring Republicans (23 members), third-lowest scoring Republicans (24 members), and fourth-lowest scoring Republicans (23 members). The charts also include information on the primary challenges that specific members are facing as well as key endorsements and other relevant information. Click [Show] to see the charts.

State Senate

Scores for Republicans ranged from 87 to 53. The chart below shows all 21 Senate Republicans, even if they did not have an election in 2018. They are arranged from the lowest scoring member to the highest scoring member. The chart also includes information on the primary challenges that specific members are facing as well as key endorsements and other relevant information. Click [Show] to see the chart.

Races to watch

See also: Texas state legislative Republican primaries, 2018/Races to watch

Ballotpedia identified 46 key races to watch in the Texas State Legislature 2018 Republican primary elections: seven state Senate seats and 39 state House seats.

Click here to see an overview of the competitive races we identified in the 2018 Republican primaries. Because of the scale of the factional conflict, nearly every Republican primary was deemed potentially competitive.

What's at stake?

2019 state House speaker election

In October 2017, House Speaker Joe Straus (R) announced that he would not run for re-election, setting up a contest for House speaker in 2019 that could have been dependent on which members won in the 2018 Republican primaries. The 2018 primaries were likely to decide how much the next Texas speaker led like Straus or leaned more toward the anti-Straus wing of the Texas Republican Party.

The Texas House speaker's powers include appointing members and chairs of standing committees as well as refering legislation to committees.[9]

Declared speaker candidates

Possible speaker candidates[10]

Rule change and speaker commitment pledge

On December 1, 2017, most state House Republicans voted for a rule change that would require their members to select a speaker in a caucus meeting and then unanimously support that person on the House floor, where all members, including Democrats, are able to vote for the speaker. The rule required the speaker candidate to be elected by the Republican caucus on a secret ballot. The rule provided for additional votes by the caucus if no candidate earned more than two-thirds support on the first ballot. No enforcement mechanism for the rule was adopted.

The rule change was in response to the tenure of Straus, who had previously won elections to be speaker because a coalition of moderate Republicans and Democrats supported him on the floor while conservative Republicans opposed him. State Rep. Matt Schaefer (R), the chairman of the Texas Freedom Caucus, which opposed Straus' leadership, said the following about the rule change: "From the Freedom Caucus perspective, this is a huge win, but it’s a huge win for the whole Republican caucus. I think we knocked the first domino, but the credit goes to a lot of other members who helped the process along." The Texas Republican Party, including Chairman James Dickey, supported the rule change.

At an unrelated event on December 1, Straus did not an offer an opinion on the rule change, but he did express doubt that Republicans would vote together on the floor without an enforcement mechanism, saying, "I’m not sure that anything can be binding, but it sounds like the state party chairman and others are really kind of whipping this thing up, but I would think the wiser approach would be to change the state Constitution. You can’t bind somebody to vote for a speaker candidate on the floor, so ... whatever."[11]

At the time of the rule change, there were two declared candidates for the speaker race in 2019, Phil King and John Zerwas. King announced in September 2017 that he would challenge Straus for the speakership and made remarks that were critical of Straus' leadership style.[12] After Straus announced that he would retire in October 2017, Zerwas, a Straus ally, announced his candidacy.[13] Zerwas said in an interview with the Texas Tribune that he would be a similar leader to Straus.[14]

On December 21, the Texas Monitor reported that Republican state House candidates were being asked to sign a form pledging them to vote for the House speaker candidate chosen by the Republican Caucus during the floor vote for speaker in 2019. Phil King supported the pledge, saying, "Forty-four states have House caucus votes [for speaker]. It’s a reasonable way to elect the speaker." As of December 21, John Zerwas had not signed the pledge and neither had other Straus allies, including Charlie Geren and Sarah Davis. Zerwas said in an interview with the Texas Tribune that he would not commit to voting for the caucus' choice on the House floor and said that the new process should acknowledge the preferences of Democrats. According to the Monitor, about one-half of the 182 Republican state House candidates had signed the pledge.

The New Leadership PAC—which opposed Straus' leadership—supported the pledge, with treasurer Don Dyer saying, "Any incumbent who doesn’t sign the pledge has made themselves an adversary of ours. It is the No. 1 thing on our list of what we expect Republicans to be."[15]

In late November 2017, an anonymous inquiry was submitted to the Texas Ethics Commission asking whether the speaker commitment pledge amounted to legislative bribery. The state Republican Party attempted to find if a Republican representative was the source of the inquiry by submitting an open records request to all 150 state House members.[16]

On January 10, 2018, the Texas Monitor reported that 115 House Republicans had signed the pledge, including Straus allies Four Price and Dan Huberty. Among the 67 members who had not signed the pledge was Straus ally Charlie Geren. The Monitor found that two-thirds of campaign contributions to non-signers had come from political action committees and their related organizations.[17]

Speaker commitment pledge image

This is an image of the speaker commitment pledge that candidates were asked to sign. See it here on the Texas Republican Party's website.

Texas loyalty pledge1.PNG

Who signed the commitment form?

Click [Show] to see the list of candidates who were signed the form according to the Texas Republican Party.[18]

Last udpated January 31, 2018

Policies

Education financing

Republicans were divided on school finance policy, with pro-Straus Republicans tending to support higher levels of state support for public education and anti-Straus Republicans preferring subsidized private school vouchers. The issue of school finance was often tied into property taxes because, at the time of the 2018 elections, state and local governments both provided funding for education in Texas.

In the 2017 special session, the Legislature passed legislation that provided $351 million in funding for public schools and established a commission to study the state's school finance system. Led by Public Education Committee Chairman Dan Huberty, the House originally passed a bill that provided $1.8 billion in public education funding and changed the funding formula for schools. The Senate, which had earlier passed a private school voucher bill, brought down the funding levels in the legislation and did not change the funding formula.[19] The House concurred with the Senate's changes, although Huberty said, "To say I'm disappointed is an understatement."[20]

Heading into the 2018 elections, the organization Texas Educators Vote, which promoted voting and civic engagement among teachers, passed a resolution that suggested school boards could encourage voting by driving eligible students and school employees to the polls if their district's policy allowed it. This prompted criticism from Empower Texans, which supports private school vouchers. Its members argued that the schools were attempting to influence the votes of its employees and that it could encourage teachers who normally prefer Democrats to vote for pro-Straus Republicans in the GOP primaries, something which would be allowed in Texas' open primary system.[21]

In January 2018, Attorney General Ken Paxton (R) issued a non-binding legal opinion that students and employees could not be taken to the polls using district funds or equipment (such as school buses). Empower Texans began asking public school employees to report the use of district funds in election activities. In response, some Texas teachers began sarcastically tweeting at Empower Texans with the hashtag #blowingthewhistle. Here is an example:

Empower Texans President Michael Quinn Sullivan said that his organization had received numerous reports of school administrators engaging in political activity and that his group was sending out open records requests to verify the claims.[21]

Paxton sent cease and desist letters to three schools on February 14, saying they were engaging in electioneering. Specifically, Paxton said the Brazosport, Holliday and Lewisville districts were using taxpayers resources to advocate that their staff vote for specific candidates. He said, “The electioneering of these school districts is unacceptable and a poor example of the civic responsibility, integrity, and honesty that Texas educators should model for our students.” He specifically pointed to tweets by officials or the district's official account that expressed support for Scott Milder in his primary challenge of Lieutenant Gov. Dan Patrick or criticized the education policies passed by the state legislature.

Officials from the Lewisville district issued a statement saying that they disagreed with Paxton's interpretation of their tweets and that they had taken down ones that might have been problematic. The statement said, "We dispute any characterization of the district’s get out the vote campaign as anything other than an effort to engage the LISD staff and community in their constitutional right to vote and advocate for themselves."[22]

On February 23, Joe Straus sent an email to his supporters that said an "Austin special interest group ... apparently feels threatened by the fact that education leaders are encouraging civic participation." He added, "We can't let these voter-intimidation tactics work. Put me down as supporting a culture of voting, among teachers and all eligible Texans."[23]

Property tax rates

Municipalities' ability to raise property taxes divided Republicans, especially after House Speaker Joe Straus (R) blocked a Senate-endorsed bill in the 2017 special session that would have required voter approval for tax increases that were four percent higher than the previous year.[24] The House wanted the election trigger to be set at six percent rather than four percent.[25]

According to KXAN, Gov. Greg Abbott and Lieutenant Gov. Dan Patrick made property taxes a centerpiece of the 2018 Republican primaries, with Abbott seeking a 2.5 percent election trigger. for municipalities to raise taxes.

Some pro-Straus Republicans like El Paso Mayor Dee Margo criticized the caps on property tax growth, arguing such growth is necessary to provide services for cities. They also said that the reason for property tax growth was because state education funding was inadequate and put more of a burden on cities and counties.[26]

Anti-Straus Republicans like Michael Quinn Sullivan of Empower Texans have argued that too many public entities were given the ability to levy property taxes and that heavy burdens would discourage businesses from locating in Texas. He and groups like the Texas Republican Party have argued that a consumption-based tax for certain items should replace property taxes.[27]

Bathroom regulations

Legislation requiring individuals to use the bathroom that corresponds with the gender on their birth certificate passed the state Senate in a 2017 special session but failed in the state House due to opposition from Speaker Straus and business groups like the Texas Association of Business. Bathroom bills are commonly thought to be used to restrict transgender individuals from using the restroom of their choice.

Straus and business groups argued that the legislation would discourage investment in Texas as they claimed it did in North Carolina after it passed similar legislation in 2016. Lieutenant Gov. Dan Patrick and social conservatives argued that the bill was necessary due to privacy concerns, particularly those of women and children, in bathrooms, locker rooms, and showers.[28][29]

According to the Texas Tribune, the bathroom bill did not play as large a role in the primaries as the publication expected.[30]

Campaign activity

This section provides an overview of influencers and organizations that were involved in the 2018 Republican primaries.

Know of an influencer or an organization we did not cover? Let us know at editor@ballotpedia.org.

Gov. Greg Abbott endorsements

See also: Greg Abbott
Greg Abbott headshot.jpg

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R) involved himself in the 2018 Texas state legislative Republican primaries by endorsing candidates supportive of his priorities. According to Abbott political adviser Dave Carney, "The governor plans to aggressively support those people who are with him and aggressively support qualified candidates who are running against people who were not supportive."[31]

Abbott's preferences were at least partially informed by which members supported the 20-item legislative agenda in a 2017 special session. House Speaker Joe Straus (R) and some of his allies in the state House worked against some of Abbott's priorities, including a bill that would have regulated bathroom usage in Texas. According to the Texas Tribune, Abbott's endorsement of three primary challengers of incumbent state representatives was related to their criticisms of him on ethics-related matters in 2017.[32]

Ballotpedia identified the following Abbott endorsements in contested Republican primaries. Videos for most of Abbott's endorsements were put on his YouTube channel.

Greg Abbott endorsements in contested Republican primaries
Endorsement Date Additional information
State Rep. Paul Workman[33] November 9, 2017 Incumbent facing primary challenge
Susanna Dokupil November 13, 2017 Primary challenger of state Rep. Sarah Davis, a Straus ally
State Rep. Ron Simmons[34] November 28, 2017 Incumbent facing primary challenge
State Rep. Rodney Anderson[35] November 28, 2017 Incumbent facing primary challenge
State Rep. Mike Lang[36] December 5, 2017 Freedom Caucus member facing a primary challenge
State Rep. Valoree Swanson[37] December 5, 2017 Freedom Caucus member facing a primary challenge
State Rep. Travis Clardy[38] December 7, 2017 Straus ally facing a primary challenge
State Sen. Joan Huffman[39] January 4, 2018 Incumbent facing primary challenge
Mayes Middleton January 9, 2018 Primary challenger of state Rep. Wayne Faircloth, a Straus ally
Candy Noble[40] January 31, 2017 Candidate for House District 89
Cynthia Flores[41] February 1, 2018 Candidate for House District 52
Chris Fails[42] February 5, 2018 Primary challenger of state Rep. Lyle Larson, a Straus ally
Steve Toth[43] February 20, 2018 Candidate for House District 15

In addition to Abbott's endorsements, he was set to appear at fundraising events for the following candidates:

House Speaker Joe Straus endorsements

See also: Joe Straus
Joe Straus, TX Rep.jpg

After announcing his retirement in October 2017, Joe Straus involved himself in the 2018 Texas state legislative Republican primaries by endorsing candidates supportive of his priorities.

He said, "I’m going to be doing what I’ve done traditionally in election cycles while I’ve been speaker and that’s supporting effective responsible Republican members of the House." He also said he would use the Texas House Leadership Fund, his leadership PAC, to support his preferred candidates.[44]

Straus gave a speech to the North Texas Commission in Irving on February 26 where he said voters should have considered the following three issues when casting their ballots in the primaries:[45]

"No. 1, are you willing to increase the state’s share of school funding in order to improve education and reduce the burden on local property taxes? Yes or no? No. 2, do you support the traditional conservative principle of local decision-making? Yes or no? No. 3, when that bathroom bill comes back in 2019, will you vote for it or against it?" [46]

—Joe Straus

According to the Texas Monitor, Straus' PAC had more than $10 million heading into the 2018 primary season.[17]

Ballotpedia identified the following Straus endorsements.

Joe Straus endorsements in contested Republican primaries
Endorsement Date Additional information
State Rep. Sarah Davis[47] December 1, 2017 Incumbent facing primary challenge
State Rep. Hugh Shine[44] January 11, 2018 Incumbent facing primary challenge
State Sen. Kel Seliger[48] February 2, 2018 Incumbent facing primary challenge

The following House members are on the board of the House Leadership Fund controlled by the speaker and possibly have Straus' support:[49]

Texas Freedom Caucus endorsements

See also: Texas Freedom Caucus
Stickland

Some of the 12 members of the Texas Freedom Caucus made endorsements in some of the state House Republican primaries for open-seat challengers or challengers running against Straus-allied incumbents. The Freedom Caucus originally formed in February 2017 in opposition to Straus' leadership. The caucus itself does not issue endorsements.[50]

Freedom Caucus member Jonathan Stickland announced his intent to become involved in the primaries by tweeting, "I have no opponent. Time to travel the state and help kick my RINO colleagues out of office," on December 11, 2017. Besides Stickland, Ballotpedia identified endorsements from Matt Rinaldi, Matt Krause, Briscoe Cain, Matt Shaheen, and Jeff Leach.

Ballotpedia identified the following endorsements by Freedom Caucus members in state House races:

Texas Freedom Caucus endorsements in contested Republican primaries
Endorsement Date Endorsed by: Additional information
Jill Wolfskill[51] Unknown Cain, Krause, Rinaldi, Stickland Candidate for House District 13
Phillip Huffines[52] Unknown Cain, Rinaldi, Stickland Candidate for Senate District 8
Angela Paxton[52] Unknown Krause, Leach, Shaheen Candidate for Senate District 8
Matt Beebe[53] December 29, 2017 Stickland Candidate for House District 121
C.J. Grisham[54] January 2, 2018 Stickland Primary challenge of state Rep. Hugh Shine, a Straus ally
Susanna Dokupil[55] January 4, 2018 Stickland Primary challenge of state Rep. Sarah Davis, a Straus ally
State Sen. Bob Hall[56] February 6, 2018 Rinaldi Incumbent facing a primary challenge
Bryan Slaton[57] February 16, 2018 Cain Primary challenge of state Rep. Dan Flynn

The Texas Tribune identified the following candidates as likely to join the Freedom Caucus depending on the outcome of their primaries and general elections. The Texas Freedom Caucus is an invitation-only organization.[50]

Satellite groups

See also: Satellite spending

In the sections below, we highlight some of the organizations involved in the 2018 Republican state legislative primaries, including where they spent their money and who they endorsed. The endorsement sections only highlight candidates who were involved in a competitive Republican primary.

Factional alliances

The organizations listed in this section generally tended to prefer one Republican faction over the other in the state House primaries. Of the 26 contested Republican primaries where incumbents ran, 19 involve either members of the Texas Freedom Caucus or members identified as Straus allies by the Texas Monitor or Ballotpedia using endorsements by Straus or membership on Joe Straus' House Leadership Fund. In these 19 races, organizations often lined up with Freedom Caucus members and challengers of Straus allies or Straus allies and challengers of Freedom Caucus members.

The chart below notes whether organizations tended to side with the pro-Straus or the anti-Straus candidates. We also note where endorsements were made in the seven primaries where a member's faction was less clear or where there was no incumbent running. Organizations were not included if they had not released a full list of endorsements.

Chart last updated on February 14, 2018.

The chart below contains the following information:

  • Name of organization: Lists the organizations in alphabetical order.
  • Endorse pro-Straus candidate: Indicates how many Straus allies or challengers to Freedom Caucus candidates the organization supported.
  • Endorse anti-Straus candidate: Indicates how many challengers to Straus allies or Freedom Caucus incumbents the organization supported.
  • Other incumbent endorsements: Indicates how many incumbents the organization supported who were not identified as Straus allies or Freedom Caucus members.
  • Other challenger endorsements: Indicates how many challengers the organization supported who were not running against Straus allies or Freedom Caucus members.
  • Open race endorsements: Indicates how many candidates the organization supported who were running in open Republican primaries.
  • Open race endorsements: Indicates how many candidates the organization supported who were running in open Republican primaries.
  • Total endorsements: Indicates how many total candidates the organization supported.
Organization endorsement analysis
Organization Endorse pro-Straus candidate Endorse pro-Straus candidate (%) Endorse anti-Straus candidate Endorse anti-Straus candidate (%) Other incumbent endorsements Other challenger endorsements Open race endorsements Total endorsements
Associated Republicans of Texas 12/19 63.16% 0/19 None 3 0 7 22
Empower Texans 0/19 None 16/19 84.21% 0 4 9 29
Texas Association of Business 18/19 94.74% 0/19 None 1 0 6 25
Texas Medical Association 15/19 78.95% 0/19 None 6 0 0 21
Texas Parent PAC 13/19 68.42% 0/19 None 2 0 11 26
Texas Right to Life 0/19 None 18/19 94.7% 1 2 12 33
Texas Values 0/19 None 3/19 15.79% 0 0 4 7
Young Conservatives of Texas 0/19 None 12/19 63.16% 0 3 5 20

Associated Republicans of Texas

Associated Republicans of Texas primarily supported candidates aligned with House Speaker Joe Straus in the 2018 election cycle. According to its website, the group "is a non-profit organization committed to maintaining the Republican majority in the Texas Legislature and strengthening the future of Republicans in Texas."[58]

According to Transparency Texas the group "has definitively sided with the more establishment wing of the Republican Party, preferring legislators who focus on the budget rather than what some might consider 'hot button' political issues." Transparency Texas also said that the group is aligned with Straus (he donated $200,000 to it in 2016) and that its donors include wealthy individuals such as alcohol distributor John L. Nau III, Houston Texans owner Robert McNair, and Gulf States Toyota owner T. Dan Friedkin.[59]

Heading into the 2018 election cycle, the group had $1.4 million in cash on hand.[60]

Endorsements[60][61]

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that the Associated Republicans of Texas endorsed in the 2018 state Senate primaries.

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that the Associated Republicans of Texas endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

Empower Texans

See also: Empower Texans

Empower Texans supported state legislative candidates opposed to Joe Straus in the 2018 election cycle. According to its website, the organization exists "to create and sustain a system of strong fiscal stewardship within all levels of Texas government, ensuring the greatest amounts of economic and personal liberty, and promoting public policies that provide individuals with the freedom to use their strengths and talents in pursuit of greater opportunities."

According to Transparency Texas, the group received nearly $1.4 million in the 2016 election cycle (including $822,000 from Farris and Jo Ann Wilks) and spent over $2.6 million giving to candidates mostly aligned with the anti-Straus faction. These candidates included future Freedom Caucus members Matt Rinaldi, Tony Tinderholt, and Jonathan Stickland as well as Bo French, a challenger to Straus ally Charlie Geren.

As of January 2018, the group had received nearly $500,000 in donations and had given over $300,000 to anti-Straus candidates. Click here to see where the money went.

Endorsements[62]

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Empower Texans endorsed in the 2018 state Senate primaries.

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Empower Texans endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

New Leadership PAC

See also: New Leadership PAC

New Leadership PAC (NLP) is a political action committee in Texas formed in October 2017 "to encourage and support new leadership at all levels in the Texas House during the 2018 Primary season and beyond," according to the organization's website.[63] The group was originally formed in opposition to Joe Straus (R) continuing as speaker of the Texas House of Representatives.[64]

In November 2017, the group announced that it would be targeting 12 incumbent Republican representatives aligned with Straus in the 2018 Republican primaries. It referred to those candidates as, "The Dirty Dozen," and while it said that John Zerwas was on the list, the other targeted incumbents were not revealed. The group said it would give $100,000 to candidates running against the 12 incumbents.[65]

The Texas Monitor identified the following Straus-aligned Republicans as possible members of the Dirty Dozen.

On January 10, 2018, the Texas Monitor reported that the group's treasurer, Don Dyer, said the following about the races the group would target: "“We’re evaluating a dozen races. It really comes down to whether a candidate represents constituents or the big-money lobby.”[17]

On January 18, the Texas Tribune reported that the group had contributed to one candidate at the time of the January 2018 filing deadline for campaign finance: $25,000 to Bo French in his primary challenge of Charlie Geren.[67] The group had raised $266,000 from Dyer and Stacy Hock, a policy activist and former IBM executive.[68] It had another $410,000 in pledged contributions from Dyer, Hock, and Texas oil investor Jeff Sandefer.[69]

Pastors for Texas Children

Headed by Rev. Charles Johnson, Pastors for Texas Children is an organization that advocates for increased public education funding and against vouchers for private schools. According to its website, its mission is to "[support] our free, public education system, to promote social justice for children." According to a profile of Johnson and the group by the Dallas Morning News in January 2018, the group supported the Straus faction of Republicans in the 2018 state House primaries.

According to Mark Jones of Rice University, the group could have worked to increase voter turnout for Straus-aligned Republicans in 2018. The Dallas Morning News says that Johnson's get-out-the-vote efforts in state Rep. Byron Cook's (R) 2016 primary could have helped him defeat an anti-Straus challenger by 225 votes.

Johnson said he would involve his organization in six state House Republican primaries and three state Senate Republican primaries in 2018. He did not specify the races.[70]

Texans for Lawsuit Reform

See also: Texans for Lawsuit Reform

Texans for Lawsuit Reform (TLR) is based in Houston and, according to its website, "discourages non-meritorious lawsuits or outrageous claims for damages." Transparency Texas describes the organization as supportive of "conservatives who can get things done."[71]

In the 2016 election cycle, TLR raised nearly $8 million and spent close to $5 million. In state legislative races, it supported House Speaker Joe Straus (R) and some of his allies, including Cindy Burkett, Charlie Geren, Dan Huberty, Sarah Davis, and Wayne Faircloth.

As of January 2018, the group had raised over $3.6 million and had spent around $700,000 in the 2018 election cycle. Its donations went to a wide array of Republican legislators, with both allies of Straus and members of the Texas Freedom Caucus receiving donations. Click here to see where the money went.

Endorsements[72]

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Texas for Lawsuit Reform endorsed in the 2018 state Senate primaries.

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Texas for Lawsuit Reform endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

Texas Association of Business

The Texas Association of Business (TAB) supported state legislative candidates aligned with Joe Straus in the 2018 election cycle. It supports candidates through its political action committee TXBIZ PAC. According to TXBIZ PAC chairman Brett Graham, it supports "candidates willing to focus next session on the critical issues facing Texas – investment in transportation and infrastructure, economic development, education and job creation."[73]

Before the Texas Legislature met in a July 2017 special session, TAB bought $1 million in radio ads urging opposition to a bill being pushed by anti-Straus Republicans that would have regulated bathroom usage in the state. The Senate passed the bill, but Straus did not let it have a vote in the House.[74]

Endorsements

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that the Texas Association of Business endorsed in the 2018 state Senate primaries.

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that the Texas Association of Business endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

Texas Association of Realtors

See also: Texas Association of Realtors

The Texas Association of Realtors (TAR) is an organization that advocates on behalf of realtors in Texas, utilizing two political action committees, Texas Association of Realtors PAC and Texas Association of Realtors Issues Mobilization PAC, in its support of political candidates. According to Transparency Texas, the two PACs received $16 million in donations and spent a combined $44 million in the 2016 election cycle. Transparency Texas also said, "they most often throw their considerable heft behind House Speaker Joe Straus’ leadership team and other moderate-to-liberal candidates in order to maintain their seat at the governing table."[71]

As of January 2018, the two political action committees had raised over $2.7 million and had spent about $16.6 million in the 2018 election cycle. Click here to see where the money went.

Endorsements[75]

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that the Texas Association of Realtors endorsed in the 2018 state Senate primaries.

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that the Texas Association of Realtors endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

Texas Medical Association

See also: Texas Medical Association

The Texas Medical Association (TMA) primarily supported candidates aligned with House Speaker Joe Straus in the 2018 election cycle. According to its website, is an organization that advocates on behalf of medical professionals in Texas. If often uses its committee TEXPAC to engage in political activities. In 2016, the group raised over $2 million and spent about $1.3 million.[78]

As of January 2018, the group had received almost $360,000 in donations and had spent nearly $50,000. Click here to see where the money went.

Endorsements[79]

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that the Texas Medical Association endorsed in the 2018 state Senate primaries.

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that the Texas Medical Association endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

Texas Parent PAC

Texas Parent PAC supported candidates supportive of House Speaker Joe Straus (R) in the 2018 election cycle. Chairwoman Carolyn Boyle said its endorsed candidates "will stand up for children and be effective advocates for public education at the State Capitol."[61] Furthermore, its website says its endorsed candidates "reflect traditional mainstream American values that honor and support children and their families, quality public education, strong communities, unlimited opportunities, and maximum citizen participation in our democracy."

In the 2016 election cycle, Texas Parent PAC raised about $150,000 and spent over $100,000.[80]

Endorsements[61]

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Texas Parent PAC endorsed in the 2018 state Senate primaries.

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Texas Parent PAC endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

Texas Right to Life

Texas Right to Life (TRL) supported Republicans opposed to House Speaker Joe Straus (R) in the 2018 election cycle. According to its website, the organization "[seeks] to articulate and protect the Right to Life of defenseless human beings, born and unborn, through legal, peaceful, and prayerful means."[81] In 2016, it raised nearly $900,000 and spent over $1 million. Farris and Jo Ann Wilks (profiled in the Donors section below) gave $475,000 to the organization in 2016.

In February 2018, the Texas Catholic Conference of Bishops released a parish advisory urging members to not associate with Texas Right to Life. The advisory cited conflicts with the organization on abortion policy, end-of-life policy, and the group's legislative scorecard, which the Conference said was not a fair representation of which members were anti-abortion.[82]

Texas Freedom Caucus member Matt Rinaldi, who is Catholic, wrote a letter to a Diocese of Dallas bishop saying that the advisory should be rescinded and that it "obfuscates the life issues for pro-life Catholics, further divides the pro-life movement, and distances us from our common goal of eliminating abortion in Texas." He also called the advisory "inaccurate and deeply political."[45]

As of January 2018, the group had received about $27,000 in donations and had spent over $50,000. The candidates who received donations from the group were usually anti-Straus state legislators. Click here to see where the money went.

Endorsements[83]

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Texas Right to Life endorsed in the 2018 state Senate primaries.

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Texas Right to Life endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

Texas Values

Texas Values supported Republicans opposed to House Speaker Joe Straus (R) in the 2018 election cycle. According to its website, Texas Values' goal "is to stand for biblical, Judeo-Christian values by ensuring Texas is a state in which religious liberty flourishes, families prosper, and every human life is valued." It makes endorsements through its political organization called Texas Values Action.

Endorsements

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Texas Values endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

Young Conservatives of Texas

Young Conservatives of Texas supported candidates opposed to Joe Straus in the 2018 state legislative primaries. According to its website, Young Conservatives of Texas is "a non-partisan conservative youth organization, has been fighting for conservative values for more than a quarter century in the Lone Star State and publishes the most respected ratings of the Texas Legislature."[84]

Endorsements

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Young Conservatives of Texas endorsed in the 2018 state Senate primaries.

Click [Show] to see a full list of candidates that Young Conservatives of Texas endorsed in the 2018 state House primaries.

Donors

The website Transparency Texas highlights influential donors in Texas politics. In this section, Ballotpedia provides an overview of the donors who were involved in the Republican state legislative primaries.

Tim Dunn

See also:Tim Dunn
TimDunn.jpg

Tim Dunn helped found the oil company CrownQuest Operating and launch the group Empower Texans, which opposes House Speaker Joe Straus. He has also been associated with Texans for Fiscal Responsibility and the Texas Public Policy Foundation.[86] In the 2016 election cycle, he donated almost $350,000, including $80,000 to Empower Texans and nearly $40,000 to state Rep. Jonathan Stickland, a member of the Texas Freedom Caucus.[87]

As of February 27, 2018, Dunn had donated over $1.3 million in the 2018 election cycle, and, according to Transparency Texas, he was focusing on helping anti-Straus candidates gain power in the state House.[88]

Woody Hunt

Woody Hunt.PNG

Woody Hunt is the head of Hunt Companies, Inc., a business involved in real estate, finance, and infrastructure. According to Transparency Texas, Hunt primarily gives to organizations like Associated Republicans of Texas and the Texas Association of Business, both of which were supportive of pro-Straus candidates.Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; invalid names, e.g. too many He was a top donor to Straus during his tenure as speaker.[89]

As of February 27, 2018, he had donated over $320,000. Most of it went to the Associated Republicans of Texas, the Texas Association of Business, and Straus himself.[90]


David and Darlene Pendery

Darlene P.PNG

David and Darlene Pendery are retired business owners from Flower Mound, Texas, who have involved themselves in Republican politics.[91] According to Transparency Texas, the 2018 election cycle is the first in which they became donating to a large number of candidates.Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; invalid names, e.g. too many

As of February 27, 2018, they had donated almost $370,000 in the 2018 election cycle, and, according to Transparency Texas, they were mainly targeting incumbents in the state House primaries.[92]

Farris and Jo Ann Wilks

Farris Wilks.PNG

Farris and Jo Ann Wilks were involved in the fracking and gas industry along with Farris' brother Dan. They started the company Frac Tech in 2002 and sold it in 2011 for $3.2 billion. In 2011, they began purchasing land in Texas, Idaho, and Montana. In Montana, they became the largest private landowners in the state.

Farris has served as the pastor at the Assembly of Yahweh, 7th Day in Cisco, Texas. Wilks' sermons have addressed his opposition to homosexuality and his skepticism about human contributions to climate change, according to Reuters. Past political donations from the Wilks included $1.5 million to Liberty Counsel, a legal defense group that defended Kim Davis, the clerk of Rowan County, Kentucky, after she declined to provide marriage certificates to same-sex couples. They have also donated to lawmakers who supported a law that would prevent municipalities from banning fracking.[93]

In the 2016 election cycle, they donated over $2.4 million, with over $600,000 going to conservative Republicans running for state House and over $1.6 million going to conservative organizations including Empower Texans, Texas Right to Life, and the Texas Home School Coalition. Among the state House candidates they donated to were Matt Rinaldi, Jonathan Stickland, Tony Tinderholt, Bill Zedler, and Jeff Leach—all members of the Texas Freedom Caucus.[94] They also donated to U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Tex.) in his 2016 presidential bid. At one point, they gave a pro-Cruz super PAC $15 million. Wilks told Reuters, “We support (Cruz) because he believes in the morality of the free market, in keeping our country safe, and in the right of the unborn not to be killed in their mother’s womb.”

As of February 27, 2018, the Wilks had donated over $1.4 million in the 2018 election cycle, and, according to Transparency Texas, were focusing on supporting anti-Straus candidates in state legislative races and anti-Straus organizations like Empower Texans and Texas Right to Life.Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; invalid names, e.g. too many[95] The following website was set up in opposition to the Wilks and their preferred candidates: whoownstexas.com.

Noteworthy events

Censure of Joe Straus

On January 27, 2018, the Texas Republican Executive Committee voted 44-19 for a resolution to censure House Speaker Joe Straus (R) due to his opposition to items on Gov. Greg Abbott's agenda in the 2017 special session. Chairman James Dickey and Vice Chairwoman Amy Clark supported the censure resolution, which needed a two-thirds vote (43 yeas) in order to pass.[96]

The censure resolution, which came from Bexar County, said that Straus "has abused the power of his office and his authority as speaker to usurp the power of the people’s duly elected representatives of the Texas House of Representatives, obstructed the agenda of Governor Abbott, and, taken more than three actions during this current biennium that are in opposition to the core principles of the Republican Party of Texas." The resolution of censure said that Straus violated state party principles with his actions on legislation related to abortion, school vouchers, and bathroom regulation, as well as his procedural moves as the House’s presiding officer.[97]

After the vote, Dickey said, “Please know, we do not do this lightly, and it does not necessarily reflect any personal opinion on particular details in this discussion. This is us being committed to supporting the convention, the delegates, Republican voters across Texas in unifying our Party to move forward.”[98]

2017 special session

The legislature was in special session from July 18 through August 15. The special session was set to go through August 16, but the House adjourned a day earlier. The session was called by Gov. Greg Abbott (R). In his proclamation, he called for the legislature to pass legislation that would renew the authorizations for five government agencies, including the Texas Medical Board, that the legislature had not renewed during the 2017 regular session. He also included a supplemental agenda for the legislature to address during the session.

Among the 20 items on Abbott’s special session agenda was legislation related to bathroom usage, changes to property taxes, school finance, and mail-in ballot fraud. The additional agenda items, Abbott stated, could not be taken up until the Senate passed the authorization legislation (which they did—Gov. Abbott signed the reauthorizations into law on August 11). While legislation on mail-in voting and school finance ended up making it to Abbott’s desk, the Senate and House were unable to agree on key thresholds for when local governments would require voter approval to raise property taxes. Similarly, the Senate passed a bill on bathroom usage, but the House did not take up the subject in committee.

Gov. Abbott criticized the House and Speaker Joe Straus (R) for many of the agenda items not being passed during the special session. Abbott noted that nine of his agenda items did not reach a vote in the House. Ten of the 20 agenda items passed both chambers. Abbott did not indicate if he would call an additional special session.

2016 Republican primaries

In the 2016 Republican state House primaries, a central issue was candidates' view on House Speaker Joe Straus (R), reflecting the divide in Texas politics between moderate and conservative Republicans. Straus was first elected speaker in 2009 with support from a coalition of moderate Republicans and Democrats.[99] In some primary races, including a match-up between John Frullo and Jim Landtroop, candidates took opposing positions on whether Straus was the right leader for the House Republicans.[100]

According to the Texas Tribune, a number of Republican primaries featured conservative candidates challenging moderate incumbents, while in others it was the conservative incumbents who were facing competition from moderate challengers.[101] Several state House moderates, including Byron Cook and Dan Flynn, had close contests on election night. Straus spent $3 million in a three-way primary contest that he won with 60 percent of the vote.[102]

Ross Ramsey of the Tribune notes that some of the challenges to moderate House Republicans were supported by Republican members of the more conservative state Senate. For example, state Sen. Konni Burton supported challenges to Byron Cook, Charlie Geren, and John Raney, all three Straus allies who chaired powerful committees. State Sens. Don Huffines and Bob Hall also supported challenges against state House Republicans with whom they were not aligned.[103]

2009 House speaker election

Following the 2008 state House elections, Republicans held 76 seats and Democrats held 74. The narrow majority weakened the coalition of House Speaker Tom Craddick (R), who had been in power since 2003. A group of 11 Republicans, including Joe Straus and Charlie Geren, met at the residence of Byron Cook (R) on Polo Road in Austin, Texas. They decided to work with the Democratic caucus in order to replace Craddick with Straus. The bipartisan coalition voted for Straus on the floor and he became speaker. The 10 other members of the so-called "Polo Road Gang" became committee chairman under Straus' leadership.[104]

Timeline

Media coverage

See also: Media coverage of the Texas state legislative Republican primaries, 2018

This section provides an overview of media reactions to the Texas state legislative Republican primaries.[105] Selected articles are presented as a jumping-off point for deeper exploration of media coverage and as an overview of narratives that have emerged surrounding the elections. Media responses are divided into three broad categories:

  • Party politics: Articles that discussed the internal conflicts within the Republican Party over issues like taxes, spending levels, and bathroom bills.
  • Coalition-building: Articles that discussed who major players in the state, such as Gov. Greg Abbott (R) and Lieutenant Gov. Dan Patrick (R), and influential interest groups supported in the primaries.
  • The candidates: Articles that discussed the dynamics between candidates in the races.

This section shows a selection of the most recent media coverage of the Texas state legislative Republican primaries from November 2017. To see the full range of media coverage from August 2017 up to the May 2018 primary runoff elections, click here.


Party politics

  • Chris Tomlinson, Houston Chronicle (January 19, 2018)
"Not enough people, especially business people, are getting involved in the most important election in Texas: the one that happens in March, not November. The Republican and Democratic primaries will take place on March 6, with early voting to begin Feb. 20. In a polarized, one-party state like Texas, the most important vote anyone can cast is in the Republican primary, at least until Texas Democrats prove they can compete statewide. Unfortunately, voter apathy has allowed a small band of extremists to control the Republican primary, and the result has been bad for business.
'It was easy and convenient to make an assumption that if the Republican Party nominated somebody, that was a pro-business person, and we could all just vote one time in the general election,' said Jeff Moseley, CEO of the Texas Association of Business. 'We know now those days are gone.'
Whether it's eliminating property tax breaks for capital investments, slashing public education, underfunding transportation or heedlessly pandering to social conservatives on LGBT rights, Moseley said business leaders are not making their voices heard when it matters the most, and some Republicans feel free to ignore them. 'The last legislative session demonstrated that the Republican majority really has strong anti-business winds blowing within the majority,' he added. 'There is real value in alerting the Texas business community about the value of going to the primary.'
Speaker Joe Straus, whom business leaders consider a hero for blocking the anti-transgender bathroom bill and stopping the repeal of a key economic incentive program, said business leaders finally stepped up during the 2017 special session. But they need to do more.
'I think there is evidence that a very small, committed group of ideologues can have more influence than they deserve," Straus, who is retiring, told me in an interview. "Some want to keep the primary turnout as low as possible so that they can control the outcome. But I want more voices to be heard, particularly from the business community, but also from other Texans.'
...
'A lot of Republicans are not making their voices heard where it means the most,' Straus said. 'There is no doubt that the conversation in our primaries is too often unbalanced in favor of social issues. The message I get from the business community is that we need to focus more on the challenges that directly relate to the economy of a state that is growing as fast as we are.'
The growing pains are severe, and they can't be solved with sloganeering. A growing population needs smart investments in roads, bridges, schools and rail. The state must hire better teachers, educate more doctors and attract more businesses to keep our workforce and economy strong and healthy.[106]
  • Ross Ramsey, Texas Tribune (January 10, 2018)
The “establishment,” in political shorthand, often refers to the boring elders — and the people carrying their ideas forward — who have traditionally run big institutions and long-lasting political factions. But it’s a sloppy label. Look at Texas Republicans, split into factions like the Democrats who dominated state government 40 years ago, and the names that have been tagged to them: movement conservatives, mainline or mainstream Republicans, social conservatives, establishment Republicans, moderates, the Tea Party, RINOs (Republicans in name only) and so on. Those groups are distinct, but the labels overlap considerably. In particular, the establishment is arguably not the group you think it is. It’s certainly not what it was.
...
House Speaker Joe Straus, R-San Antonio, won a special election in 2005 in a House district that has sent a steady stream of mainline Republicans to the state Capitol. His family was involved in Republican politics for decades and fit comfortably in any definition of “the establishment.” Straus’ power is waning, now that he has said he won’t seek another term as a state representative, much less as speaker. Patrick’s power is waxing; he steered Gov. Greg Abbott from the middle of the road to his side of the biggest cultural/political issue of last year’s legislative session — which restrooms and other facilities transgender Texans should use. He’s running for re-election against a field of Democrats and Republicans who have never campaigned statewide. And he heads a Texas Senate whose members are, on average, objectively more conservative than the Texas senators who preceded them. The governor, the lieutenant governor, the attorney general, comptroller and other statewides, along with most of those senators and a big bloc of state representatives, ran as Republicans appealing to the most conservative voters who dominate their party’s primaries.
The moderates — Republicans hate being called moderates, by the way — used to be the establishment, back in the day of Gov. George W. Bush. Straus, who ultimately won the credit and blame for killing that bathroom bill last year, has been their champion, though he contends he’s presided over a historically conservative Texas House. The more conservative Republicans have made a strong run for that establishment flag, and they’re trying to strengthen their position in this year’s elections.[107]
  • Christopher Hooks, Texas Observer (November 14, 2017)
It would be hard to overestimate the importance of the speaker’s election in 2019 on Texans’ lives, and the outcome of that depends entirely on what happens in the next six months of the Republican primary and next year’s general election.
What makes the outcome of the next speaker’s race so difficult to game out — apart from the fact that our world broke at some point in the last couple years — is that there are three strong competing phenomena in the House right now. The first is simply that Democrats may be approaching a wave election. The Democrats have a meaningful chance of winning more seats in the House next year than they’ve won since 2008. That could be helpful in the effort to select a Straus-type speaker.
The second is that Republican primary fights between moderates and conservatives will be especially vicious this year, particularly if Abbott puts the weight of his political machine behind it. That could be good for Democrats, but it also diminishes the chances of selecting a moderate speaker, because the casualties of the primary will include at least a few more experienced moderates, replaced in the ranks by pliable freshmen, as they always do.
The third is that the Republican circle is tightening. The GOP and affiliated organizations, such as Texans for Lawsuit Reform, are pushing hard for Republican candidates to pledge to select the next speaker without Democrats. This leads to a paradox: It’s plausible that House Democrats emerge from next year’s election stronger than they’ve been in years, yet more powerless than ever before.[108]

Coalition-building

  • Brandon Rottinghaus, Trib Talk, (January 22, 2018)
The internecine warfare between the establishment conservatives (read: Texas House Speaker Joe Straus and lieutenants) and movement conservatives (read: Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and the Freedom Caucus) has divided the Republican Party’s politics and legislative agenda. Divergences of tactics and topics have split Texas Republicans on issues of school vouchers, vaccinations, local control and property tax reform. Several high-profile primary elections feature challenges to incumbent Republicans, underscoring the ideological separation.
One way this battle plays out is in the shootout between Empower Texas and the Texas Association of Business, two groups representing the gunslingers facing off at high noon. Empower Texans has been vilified as a group of divisive scorecard keepers looking for party purity above practical politics. Conservative Republicans have demonized the Texas Association of Business (TAB) as a “liberal” interest group too willing to accommodate Democrats. Democratic strategists have hinted at a realignment that would bring business interests back to the Democratic Party, where they were after World War II to the 1970s.[109]
  • Christopher Hooks, Texas Observer (November 14, 2017)
In the latest episode of Texas Politics, God’s dumbest reality show, Governor Greg Abbott celebrated the beginning of Republican primary season by going to war — against a popular incumbent lawmaker in his own party, in a district that Hillary Clinton won by 15 points. On Monday morning, Abbott issued a fatwa of sorts, calling for the replacement of state Representative Sarah Davis, a moderate pro-choice Republican, with primary challenger Susanna Dokupil, a right-wing lawyer and board member of the Seasteading Institute, which exists to build libertarian cruise ships and permanently station them in international waters, free from the laws of man.
...
So, again, why is Abbott getting behind this? It may simply be that he knows Dokupil personally — she was an assistant solicitor general when he was Texas attorney general. Or it may be that he’s keeping his promise from the session that any legislator who crossed him would be put on a “list.”
But it’s worth considering the broader conservative political project here. If Abbott’s goal is an ideologically uniform House caucus, then it’s genuinely preferable to lose Davis’ seat than to allow her to continue to win. Beating Davis in the primary — even if it cedes the seat to a Democrat — removes the only openly pro-choice Republican voice from the caucus, and it pushes other lawmakers who show an independent streak back in the herd.
Because the Republicans are in no real danger of losing their overall House majority anytime soon, it’s better for Abbott and friends to have a smaller, purer GOP caucus. And in Davis’ case, a gentle nudge might be enough to do it — for years, Democrats have talked idly about convincing her to switch parties, a prospect that may now be more enticing. (Harris County Republicans had been set to debate a motion to censure Davis for her too-liberal voting record on Monday night; it was apparently withdrawn after Abbott’s endorsement.)
House Speaker Joe Straus’ retirement gives Abbott and others the opportunity to try to force conformity on the House. That’s going to lead to a lot of strange dynamics in the next four months, as the Republican primary heats up. For one thing, Straus has promised to use his ample campaign funds to push hard for his candidates this cycle, which means Davis’ district provides an opportunity for Straus and Abbott to butt heads.[108]


The candidates

  • Ken Herman, My Statesman, (January 20, 2018)
Through the miracle (menace?) of Twitter, let’s eavesdrop on a conversation between two of our duly elected state officials. But first, let’s meet our players. State Rep. Jonathan Stickland (known to some as “Sticky”) is a Republican from the Dallas-Fort Worth suburb of Bedford. He’s a keep-government-out-of-our-lives kind of guy. Really far out of out lives. Stickland’s been in the Texas House since 2013. His combative, confrontational style, makes him beloved by a few and hated by others. You need some of that kind in any legislative body. Some, but not too many.
GOP Rep. Sarah Davis (known to some as “Sarah”) first came to the Texas House in 2011. She’s from West University Place (known to some as “Houston”). Like Stickland, she’s a battler, though in a different way. “Been known to be scrappy,” says Davis’ Twitter profile.By Texas legislative standards, she’s not overly partisan. You need some of that kind in any legislative body. In fact, it’s helpful to have a lot of that kind.
A bit more background: Though both on the GOP team, Stickland and Davis don’t play well together. He’s really, really red (in the GOP way, not the commie way.) She’s kind of purpley, a color that stands out in the 150-member Texas House.
...
Stickland is unopposed in the GOP primary and has a Dem opponent without a chance of winning. Davis has big-time GOP primary opposition in Susanna Dokupil, who’s backed by Gov. Greg Abbott. The governor is taking sides in some GOP primaries as the party in power wages a sometimes-uncivil civil war.
That brings us to the Twitter unpleasantness on which we’re going to eavesdrop that started Thursday Jan. 4 with this from Stickland: “My team is spending this week helping @susannadokupil replace LIB @SarahforHD134- Response so far: Overwhelmingly positive.”
...
Stickland had announced his political goals in this New Year’s Eve tweet: “You heard it here first: 2018 is destined to be remembered as the ‘year of the RINO slaughter.’” “RINO,” which stands for Republican In Name Only, is the worst thing one Repub can call another, even worse than “liberal.” “I have no opponent. Time to travel the state and help kick my RINO colleagues out of office,” Stickland had tweeted.
His Jan. 4 tweet announcing his jihad on Davis inspired her to respond with a photo of Stickland and this quote from him: “Rape is non existent in marriage, take what you want my friend!”
Background: Stickland has apologized for a 2008 online post in which he advised somebody: “Rape is non existent in marriage, take what you want my friend!" “I’ve apologized 4 stupid comments I made in my younger years,” Stickland tweeted to Davis. “Have u publicly apologized for your horrendous liberal voting record?”
..."[110]

Competitiveness

This chart shows the trends in Republican primary competitiveness from 2014 to 2018.

2018

After the filing deadline passed on December 11, 2017, there was a clear picture of Republican primary competitiveness for the elections on March 6, 2018. Generally, the competitiveness in 2018 was similar to the levels seen in 2014 and 2016, with about the same number of total primaries and primary challenges against incumbents. The following information is included in the charts below:

  • Incumbent primary challenges: The number of incumbents who ran for re-election and faced a primary challenger.
  • Incumbent primary challenges (%): The percentage of incumbents who faced primary challenges out of those who ran for re-election.
  • Incumbent primary defeats: The number of incumbents who were defeated in their primaries.
  • Incumbent primary defeats (%): The percentage of incumbents who were defeated out of those who faced challenges.
  • Total Republican primaries: The total number of Republican primaries, counting those in seats held by incumbents of both parties and those that occurred in open seats.
  • Total Republican primaries (%): The percentage of races that held Republican primaries out of all seats in the chamber that held elections.
Texas State Legislature Republican primaries, 2018
Incumbent primary challenges Incumbent primary defeats Total Republican primaries
Chamber Raw number % Raw number % Raw number %
House of Representatives 26 31.0 percent Pending Pending 41 28.0 percent
State Senate 6 54.5 percent Pending Pending 7 46.7 percent

2014-2016

These charts show data on competitiveness in Republican primaries in the Texas House of Representatives and the Texas State Senate from 2014 to 2016. When compared to other state legislatures, Texas was ranked 14 in primary competitiveness in 2016 and was ranked 11 in 2014.

Texas House of Representatives Republican primaries, 2014-2016
Incumbent primary challenges Incumbent primary defeats Total Republican primaries
Year Raw number % Raw number % Raw number %
2016 33 37.5 percent 6 18.2 percent 41 27.3 percent
2014 23 27.4 percent 7 30.4 percent 37 24.7 percent
Texas State Senate Republican primaries, 2014-2016
Incumbent primary challenges Incumbent primary defeats Total Republican primaries
Year Raw number % Raw number % Raw number %
2016 0 N/A 0 N/A 2 12.5 percent
2014 5 29.4 percent 2 40.0 percent 7 46.7 percent

National

Click [Show] on the boxes below to see data on competitiveness in all Republican primaries in state houses and state senates from 2014 to 2016. To see a running count of Republican primary competition in the 2018 elections, click here.

Early voting in Texas primaries, 2018

The chart below shows early voting turnout for both parties from the 14 Texas counties for which data was publicly available in 2014 and 2018. Both election years included the same seats and did not coincide with a presidential election.

There are 11 days of early voting in Texas, starting on the Tuesday two weeks before Election Day and running until the Friday before Election Day. In 2018, the final day of early voting was March 2, 2018.[111][112]

There were 13,601,324 registered voters at the time of the March 2014 primaries, meaning the counties used in this analysis contained 62.4 percent of all registered voters in 2014.[113]

Voter registration Democratic turnout Republican turnout
County 2014 2018 % change 2014 2018 % change 2014 2018 % change
Bexar 915,839 1,062,051 16.0% 27,544 49,532 79.8% 40,549 39,533 -2.5%
Cameron 181,802 201,020 10.6% 10,626 10,155 -4.4% 2,110 2,138 1.3%
Collin 466,533 551,400 18.2% 5,331 19,895 273.2% 27,669 40,621 46.8%
Dallas 1,170,598 1,284,089 9.7% 34,815 69,844 100.6% 43,745 40,487 -7.4%
Denton 388,608 475,203 22.3% 4,079 15,033 268.5% 23,210 27,986 20.6%
El Paso 390,949 439,943 12.5% 17,382 29,394 69.1% 5,238 5,779 10.3%
Fort Bend 349,550 414,668 18.6% 4,529 16,542 265.2% 16,293 20,134 23.6%
Galveston 185,850 207,821 11.8% 2,892 5,848 102.2% 11,953 15,744 31.7%
Harris 2,006,270 2,257,546 12.5% 30,108 87,916 192.0% 75,400 81,537 8.1%
Hidalgo 307,426 349,202 13.6% 33,688 34,778 3.2% 3,923 4,259 8.6%
Montgomery 270,019 320,083 18.5% 1427 5,090 256.7% 25,078 27,902 11.3%
Tarrant 969,434 1,095,458 13.0% 22,621 38,731 71.2% 52,719 55,711 5.7%
Travis 627,040 736,112 17.4% 23,088 61,772 167.6% 17,149 21,483 25.3%
Williamson 259,878 315,917 21.6% 4,044 14,894 268.3% 13,728 20,826 51.7%
Totals 8,489,796 9,710,513 +14.4% 222,174 459,424 +106.8% 358,764 404,140 +12.6%

Voter information

How the primary works

A primary election is an election in which registered voters select a candidate that they believe should be a political party's candidate for elected office to run in the general election. They are also used to choose convention delegates and party leaders. Primaries are state-level and local-level elections that take place prior to a general election. Texas utilizes an open primary system. Voters do not have to register with a party in advance in order to participate in that party's primary. The voter must sign a pledge stating the following (the language below is taken directly from state statutes)[114]

The following pledge shall be placed on the primary election ballot above the listing of candidates' names: 'I am a (insert appropriate political party) and understand that I am ineligible to vote or participate in another political party's primary election or convention during this voting year.'[46]

For information about which offices are nominated via primary election, see this article.

Poll times

In Texas, all polling places are open from 7:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m. local time. Texas is divided between the Central and Mountain time zones. An individual who is in line at the time polls close must be allowed to vote.[115]


Registration requirements

Check your voter registration status here.

To register to vote in Texas, an applicant must be a United States citizen, a resident of the county in which he or she is registering, and at least 17 years and 10 months old.[116]

The deadline to register to vote is 30 days before the election. Prospective voters can request a postage-paid voter registration form online or complete the form online and return it to the county voter registrar. Applications are also available at a variety of locations including the county voter registrar’s office, the secretary of state’s office, libraries, and high schools. Voter registration certificates are mailed to newly registered voters.[117]

Automatic registration

Texas does not practice automatic voter registration.[118]

Online registration

See also: Online voter registration

Texas does not permit online voter registration.[118]

Same-day registration

Texas does not allow same-day voter registration.[118]

Residency requirements

Prospective voters must reside in the county in which they are registering to vote.[119]

Verification of citizenship

See also: Laws permitting noncitizens to vote in the United States

Texas does not require proof of citizenship for voter registration. An individual applying to register to vote must attest that they are a U.S. citizen under penalty of perjury.

State law requires election officials to conduct a check of registered voters' citizenship status. Section 18.068 of the Texas Election Code says the following:

The secretary of state shall quarterly compare the information received under Section 16.001 of this code and Section 62.113, Government Code, to the statewide computerized voter registration list. If the secretary determines that a voter on the registration list is deceased or has been excused or disqualified from jury service because the voter is not a citizen, the secretary shall send notice of the determination to the voter registrar of the counties considered appropriate by the secretary.[46]

—Section 18.068, Texas Election Code[120]

In January 2019, the Texas secretary of state’s office announced that it would be providing local election officials with a list of registered voters who obtained driver’s licenses or IDs with documentation such as work visas or green cards. Counties would then be able to require voters on the list to provide proof of citizenship within 30 days.[121] The review was halted by a federal judge in February 2019, and Secretary of State David Whitley rescinded the advisory in April.[122][123] A news release from Whitley’s office stated that “... going forward, the Texas Secretary of State's office will send to county voter registrars only the matching records of individuals who registered to vote before identifying themselves as non-U.S. citizens to DPS when applying for a driver's license or personal identification card. This will ensure that naturalized U.S. citizens who lawfully registered to vote are not impacted by this voter registration list maintenance process.”[124]

All 49 states with voter registration systems require applicants to declare that they are U.S. citizens in order to register to vote in state and federal elections, under penalty of perjury or other punishment.[125] Seven states — Alabama, Arizona, Georgia, Kansas, Louisiana, New Hampshire, and Wyoming — have laws requiring verification of citizenship at the time of voter registration, whether in effect or not. One state, Ohio, requires proof of citizenship only when registering to vote at a Bureau of Motor Vehicles facility. In three states — California, Maryland, and Vermont — at least one local jurisdiction allows noncitizens to vote in some local elections. Noncitizens registering to vote in those elections must complete a voter registration application provided by the local jurisdiction and are not eligible to register as state or federal voters.

Verifying your registration

The Texas Secretary of State’s office allows residents to check their voter registration status online by visiting this website.


Voter ID requirements

Early voting

Texas permits early voting. Learn more by visiting this website.

Early voting permits citizens to cast ballots in person at a polling place prior to an election. In states that permit no-excuse early voting, a voter does not have to provide an excuse for being unable to vote on Election Day. States that allow voters to cast no-excuse absentee/mail-in ballots in person are counted as no-excuse early voting states.

Forty-seven states and the District of Columbia permit no-excuse early voting.

Absentee voting

Texas voters are eligible to vote absentee in an election if:

  • They cannot make it to the polls on Election Day because they will be away from the county on Election Day and during early voting;
  • They are sick or disabled;
  • They are 65 years of age or older; or
  • They are confined in jail.[127]

To vote absentee, a request must be received by county election officials no later than close of regular business on the eleventh day before the election. The completed ballot must then be returned by the close of polls on Election Day.[128]


Partisan control

The tables below show the partisan breakdowns of the Texas House of Representatives and the Texas State Senate as of October 2025:

Texas House of Representatives

Party As of October 2025
     Democratic Party 62
     Republican Party 88
     Other 0
     Vacancies 0
Total 150

Texas State Senate

Party As of October 2025
     Democratic Party 11
     Republican Party 18
     Other 0
     Vacancies 2
Total 31

State overview

Partisan control

This section details the partisan control of federal and state positions in Texas heading into the 2018 elections.

Congressional delegation

State executives

State legislature

  • Republicans controlled both chambers of the Texas State Legislature. They had a 93-55 majority in the state House and a 21-10 majority in the state Senate.

Trifecta status

  • Texas was a Republican trifecta, meaning that the Republican Party held the governorship, a majority in the state Senate, and a majority in the state House.

2018 elections

See also: Texas elections, 2018

Texas held elections for the following positions in 2018:

Demographics

Demographic data for Texas
 TexasU.S.
Total population:27,429,639316,515,021
Land area (sq mi):261,2323,531,905
Race and ethnicity**
White:74.9%73.6%
Black/African American:11.9%12.6%
Asian:4.2%5.1%
Native American:0.5%0.8%
Pacific Islander:0.1%0.2%
Two or more:2.5%3%
Hispanic/Latino:38.4%17.1%
Education
High school graduation rate:81.9%86.7%
College graduation rate:27.6%29.8%
Income
Median household income:$53,207$53,889
Persons below poverty level:19.9%11.3%
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, "American Community Survey" (5-year estimates 2010-2015)
Click here for more information on the 2020 census and here for more on its impact on the redistricting process in Texas.
**Note: Percentages for race and ethnicity may add up to more than 100 percent because respondents may report more than one race and the Hispanic/Latino ethnicity may be selected in conjunction with any race. Read more about race and ethnicity in the census here.

As of July 2016, Texas had a population of approximately 27,862,596 people, and its three largest cities were Houston (pop. est. 2.3 million), San Antonio (pop. est. 1.5 million), and Dallas (pop. est. 1.3 million).[129][130]

State election history

This section provides an overview of federal and state elections in Texas from 2000 to 2016.

Historical elections

Presidential elections, 2000-2016

This chart shows the results of the presidential election in Texas every year from 2000 to 2016.

Election results (President of the United States), Texas 2000-2016[131][132]
Year First-place candidate First-place candidate votes (%) Second-place candidate Second-place candidate votes (%) Margin of victory (%)
2016 Republican Party Donald Trump 52.23% Democratic Party Hillary Clinton 43.24% 8.99%
2012 Republican Party Mitt Romney 57.17% Democratic Party Barack Obama 41.38% 15.79%
2008 Republican Party John McCain 55.45% Democratic Party Barack Obama 43.68% 11.77%
2004 Republican Party George W. Bush 61.09% Democratic Party John Kerry 38.22% 22.87%
2000 Republican Party George W. Bush 59.30% Democratic Party Al Gore 37.98% 21.32%

U.S. Senate elections, 2000-2016

This chart shows the results of U.S. Senate races in Texas from 2000 to 2016. Every state has two Senate seats, and each seat goes up for election every six years. The terms of the seats are staggered so that roughly one-third of the seats are up every two years.

Election results (U.S. Senator), Texas 2000-2016[133]
Year First-place candidate First-place candidate votes (%) Second-place candidate Second-place candidate votes (%) Margin of victory (%)
2014[134] Republican Party John Cornyn 61.56% Democratic Party David Alameel 34.36% 27.20%
2012[135] Republican Party Ted Cruz 56.46% Democratic Party Paul Sadler 40.62% 15.84%
2008[136] Republican Party John Cornyn 54.82% Democratic Party Richard Noriega 42.84% 11.98%
2006[137] Republican Party Kay Bailey Hutchison 61.69% Democratic Party Barbara Ann Radnofsky 36.04% 25.65%
2002[138] Republican Party John Cornyn 55.30% Democratic Party Ron Kirk 43.33% 11.97%
2000[139] Republican Party Kay Bailey Hutchison 65.04% Democratic Party Gene Kelly 32.35% 32.69%

Gubernatorial elections, 2000-2014

This chart shows the results of the four gubernatorial elections held between 2000 and 2014. Gubernatorial elections are held every four years in Texas.

Election results (Governor), Texas 2000-2016[140]
Year First-place candidate First-place candidate votes (%) Second-place candidate Second-place candidate votes (%) Margin of victory (%)
2014 Republican Party Greg Abbott 59.27% Democratic Party Wendy Davis 38.90% 20.37%
2010 Republican Party Rick Perry 54.97% Democratic Party Bill White 42.30% 12.67%
2006 Republican Party Rick Perry 39.03% Democratic Party Chris Bell 29.79% 9.24%
2002 Republican Party Rick Perry 57.81% Democratic Party Tony Sanchez 39.96% 17.85%

Congressional delegation, 2000-2016

This chart shows the number of Democrats and Republicans who were elected to represent Texas in the U.S. House from 2000 to 2016. Elections for U.S. House seats are held every two years.

Congressional delegation, Texas 2000-2016
Year Republicans Republicans (%) Democrats Democrats (%) Balance of power
2016 Republican Party 25 69.4% Democratic Party 11 30.6% R+14
2014 Republican Party 25 69.4% Democratic Party 11 30.6% R+14
2012 Republican Party 24 66.7% Democratic Party 12 33.3% R+12
2010 Republican Party 23 71.9% Democratic Party 9 28.1% R+14
2008 Republican Party 20 62.5% Democratic Party 12 37.5% R+8
2006 Republican Party 19 59.4% Democratic Party 13 40.6% R+6
2004 Republican Party 21 65.6% Democratic Party 11 34.4% R+10
2002 Republican Party 15 46.9% Democratic Party 17 53.1% D+2
2000 Republican Party 13 43.3% Democratic Party 17 56.7% D+4

Trifectas, 1992-2017

A state government trifecta occurs when one party controls both chambers of the state legislature and the governor's office.

Texas Party Control: 1992-2025
Three years of Democratic trifectas  •  Twenty-three years of Republican trifectas
Scroll left and right on the table below to view more years.

Year 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 00 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25
Governor D D D R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R
Senate D D D D D R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R
House D D D D D D D D D D D R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R


See also

Footnotes

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 TribTalk, "Upcoming battles in the ongoing Texas GOP civil war," December 19, 2017
  2. Only endorsed in House races
  3. Huffman is not included as a Pro-Straus candidate because Straus previously spoke favorably of her opponent and suggested she should run for Senate.
  4. Designated a Pro-Straus candidate due to statements he made to the Dallas Morning News in support of Straus
  5. This members were identified as Straus allies through media coverage by the Texas Monitor, affiliation with the House Leadership Fund, and Straus' endorsements in 2018.
  6. All members publicly affiliate with the Texas Freedom Caucus
  7. 7.0 7.1 TribTalk, "The 2017 Texas House & Senate, from left to right: Post special-session edition," November 20, 2017
  8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 There were 95 Republicans in the 2017 Texas state House, but, because the speaker does not traditionally take votes, Joe Straus is not included.
  9. Texas House of Representatives, "Texas House Rules," accessed January 29, 2018
  10. Texas Tribune, "The Blast," October 25, 2017
  11. Texas Tribune, "House Republicans agree to select speaker candidate in caucus," December 1, 2017
  12. Texas Tribune, "State Rep. Phil King declares candidacy for Texas House speaker," September 22, 2017
  13. Texas Tribune, "Texas House Speaker Joe Straus says he will not seek re-election," October 25, 2017
  14. Texas Tribune, "State Rep. John Zerwas won't commit to backing GOP caucus' speaker pick," November 6, 2017
  15. Texas Monitor, "In Texas House, pledge deniers face primary battles," December 21, 2017
  16. Texas Monitor, "Texas GOP seeks source of legislative ‘bribery’ inquiry," November 22, 2017
  17. 17.0 17.1 17.2 Texas Monitor, "Signers rise: Three Straus PAC members take new speaker pledge," January 10, 2018
  18. Texas Republican Party, "REPUBLICAN CANDIDATE REPLIES," accessed January 31, 2018
  19. Texas Tribune, "Senate approves bills on "private school choice" and school finance study," July 24, 2017
  20. Texas Tribune, ""Disappointed" House accepts Senate's changes to school finance bill," August 15, 2017
  21. 21.0 21.1 Texas Tribune, "Civic engagement or illegal electioneering? How a school voting project became a conservative target," February 9, 2018
  22. Texas Tribune, "Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton warns three school districts to cease "unlawful electioneering"," February 14, 2018
  23. Texas Tribune, "The Blast," February 23, 2018
  24. Texas Tribune, "In special session rubble, spotlight shines bright on Straus," August 16, 2017
  25. Texas Tribune, "Property tax legislation clears major hurdle in House," August 12, 2017
  26. KXAN, "Abbott, Patrick throwing weight behind property tax reform in GOP primary," February 12, 2018
  27. Empower Texans, "FINALLY ENDING PROPERTY TAXES?" June 15, 2012
  28. Texas Tribune, "After months of controversy, Texas bathroom bill dies quietly," August 16, 2017
  29. Texas Republican Party, "Republican Primary Voter Guide," February 9, 2018
  30. Texas Tribune, ""Bathroom bill" fizzles as Republican primary issue," February 6, 2018
  31. Dallas Morning News, "Family feud, 2018 edition: Republicans brace for internal struggle in March primaries," September 19, 2017
  32. Texas Tribune, "Analysis: “You come at the king, you best not miss”," February 9, 2018
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