Brian Sprague
Brian Sprague (Republican Party) is running for election to the U.S. House to represent Texas' 12th Congressional District. He declared candidacy for the Republican primary scheduled on March 3, 2026.[source]
Sprague completed Ballotpedia's Candidate Connection survey in 2025. Click here to read the survey answers.
Biography
Brian Sprague was born in Loveland, Colorado. He served in the U.S. Army from 2002 to 2008. He earned an associate degree from Westwood College in 2013. His career experience includes working as a mechanic, entrepreneur, and horse trainer.[1]
Sprague has been affiliated with the following organizations:[1]
- Knights of Columbus
- Disabled American Veterans
- American Veterans
- Veterans of Foreign Wars
- Tarrant County Republican Hispanic Assembly
Elections
2026
See also: Texas' 12th Congressional District election, 2026
General election
The primary will occur on March 3, 2026. The general election will occur on November 3, 2026. General election candidates will be added here following the primary.
Democratic primary election
Democratic primary for U.S. House Texas District 12
Kenneth Morgan-Aguilera is running in the Democratic primary for U.S. House Texas District 12 on March 3, 2026.
Candidate | ||
 | Kenneth Morgan-Aguilera  | |
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| = candidate completed the Ballotpedia Candidate Connection survey. | ||||
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Republican primary election
Republican primary for U.S. House Texas District 12
Incumbent Craig Goldman, Brian Sprague, and Semaj Swire are running in the Republican primary for U.S. House Texas District 12 on March 3, 2026.
Candidate | ||
 | Craig Goldman | |
 | Brian Sprague | |
| Semaj Swire | ||
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| = candidate completed the Ballotpedia Candidate Connection survey. | ||||
| If you are a candidate and would like to tell readers and voters more about why they should vote for you, complete the Ballotpedia Candidate Connection Survey. | ||||
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Endorsements
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Campaign themes
2026
Video for Ballotpedia
| Video submitted to Ballotpedia Released September 9, 2025 |
Ballotpedia survey responses
See also: Ballotpedia's Candidate Connection
Brian Sprague completed Ballotpedia's Candidate Connection survey in 2025. The survey questions appear in bold and are followed by Sprague's responses. Candidates are asked three required questions for this survey, but they may answer additional optional questions as well.
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After his military service, Sprague launched businesses in automotive repair, equine training, and media. He founded the Texas Music Chart, Texas Country Today Radio, and Texas Country Music News, building one of the largest independent music media networks in Texas. His podcast and radio show reach hundreds of stations nationwide.
In 2025, Sprague launched his grassroots congressional campaign after what he describes as a spiritual calling. A devout Catholic and staunch conservative, he has never voted outside the Republican Party. His platform focuses on transparency, trade reform, and protecting the American middle class. He is running under the banner “BS4Texas” to bring integrity and accountability back to Congress.- Washington isn’t broken—it’s bought. I’m running to end lobbyist influence in Congress once and for all. We must ban members from trading stocks, eliminate backroom deals, and force full transparency in campaign contributions, votes, and committee decisions. If elected, I’ll introduce legislation that shines a light on corruption and shuts the revolving door between Congress and K Street. The American people deserve a government that works for them, not the highest bidder. It's time to Make Congress Honest Again.
- The middle class is vanishing under predatory banking and unchecked Wall Street greed. I’ll fight to reinstate strict regulation of big banks, repeal the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, and abolish the Federal Reserve. In its place, I propose a Hamilton National Reserve—a publicly accountable institution that protects the dollar, strengthens small banks, and ends speculative abuse. It's time to put working Americans before hedge funds and bring back stability for families, farmers, and small businesses.
- America doesn’t have a revenue problem—we have a waste problem. Nowhere is that clearer than the military-industrial complex, where contractors are paid triple what enlisted soldiers earn to do the same jobs. I will audit military spending, slash overpriced contracts, and ensure taxpayer dollars go to defense—not grift. Cutting waste doesn’t mean cutting strength—it means putting our troops, not war profiteers, first. Let’s end abuse of our budget and restore accountability across all federal agencies.
On a personal level, I look up to my father, who passed away four years ago. He wasn’t highly educated, and he didn’t say much—but he didn’t need to. His actions spoke louder than words. No matter what life threw at him, he faced it head-on and built a life for his family through quiet resilience and sheer willpower. Even during the hardest times, I never worried, because I trusted him completely. That’s the kind of trust I want to build with the American people. Things may get rough. We may face uncertainty. But if we stay the course with honesty, strength, and purpose—just like my dad did—then I believe we’ll come through stronger than ever.
Representatives must be deeply engaged with the people they serve—not just during campaign season, but every single day. They should listen more than they speak, and act only after taking into account the diverse needs of their district. That means fighting for laws that benefit the district, repealing or reforming outdated ones, and ensuring no regulation or federal action leaves their people behind. A representative must be loyal to their district to a fault—not to a political party, a donor base, or their own career.
Beyond lawmaking, Representatives are responsible for the federal budget, and every year they fail to pass one, they fail the country. It's not just a technical duty—it's a reflection of Congress’s ability to function. Representatives also serve on committees, where the real detail work of government happens: oversight, investigation, and the crafting of legislation that shapes everything from national security to healthcare. But perhaps the most important duty is the ability to form coalitions—across parties, ideologies, and backgrounds—to make real change possible. Division gets headlines, but unity gets results. A great Representative builds bridges, not just platforms.
If I can pass even one law that makes life better for the people of Texas—and by extension, America—then I’ll consider my time in office a success. My goal isn’t to become a celebrity or a career politician. It’s to be a steady hand, a voice of reason, and someone people could trust to tell the truth, even when it was hard. I hope my legacy is measured in lives improved, not headlines made.
Years later, in 2003, while serving on the Special Reaction Team at Fort Knox and training with local and federal police forces, I saw firsthand how Columbine had transformed law enforcement doctrine. Before Columbine, the approach was to contain and negotiate. After Columbine, terms like “active shooter” and “direct to threat” became standard. It changed how police respond, how schools operate, how mental health is treated—and it still shapes our society today. What struck me most was that one event could trigger decades of reform, reflection, and unfortunately, repeated tragedy. It was a turning point in how we view public safety in America.
While I’ve read and appreciate the works of James McPherson (Battle Cry of Freedom, Ordeal by Fire, This Mighty Scourge), Shelby Foote’s The Civil War: A Narrative, and the Oxford History of the United States series, it’s Catton’s writing style that keeps me coming back. He blends historical analysis with a narrative voice that is readable and powerful. That said, I’m rarely reading novels. You’re more likely to find me studying old legislation or technical manuals than fiction. But when I do return to history, Catton reminds me why it still matters.
That resonates with me. I’ve faced my own battles, and while I’m proud of who I am and what I’ve been through, I know what it’s like to carry invisible wounds. Like Haymitch, I’ve found strength through service—through standing up and fighting for others, even when it’s hard. If that’s the arc of a fictional character, I’ll take it. Because it’s not about being perfect—it’s about surviving, showing up, and doing something that matters.
Some of my friends didn’t make it out of that storm. They became shells of who they once were, and some never found their way back. Their loss weighs heavy, but it also gave me strength—to survive, to speak honestly about mental health, and to keep pushing forward. I may carry injuries both seen and unseen, but my spirit remains unbroken. Every day I’m still standing, I consider it a victory—and a reminder of why I keep fighting for those who feel they can’t.
What truly makes the House distinct is its scale and structure. With 435 members divided by population across the states, each district has a dedicated voice. This means rural communities, inner cities, suburbs, and everything in between can be heard in the federal process. The House is where new ideas, urgent grievances, and grassroots movements first enter the legislative conversation. It controls the power of the purse, originates all spending bills, and sets the tone for national priorities. The House is where the nation’s heartbeat is meant to be measured—and if functioning properly, it's where the voice of the average American is amplified.
By contrast, the U.S. Senate was designed to be a deliberative body representing the interests of state governments rather than individual citizens. Originally, Senators were selected by state legislatures, creating a chamber that could act as a stabilizing, long-term counterbalance to the faster-moving, more emotion-driven House. This structure was key to maintaining a balance between federal power and state sovereignty. The Senate was meant to think in terms of decades, not news cycles. Senators had a duty to the state as a whole.
You don’t need to be a career politician to serve the people. You need integrity, vision, and the ability to communicate effectively. The Constitution doesn’t require a résumé in politics—it requires a connection to the people. Anyone who feels they can do better, who believes in something greater than themselves, should feel empowered to run and represent their community. That’s what the House was built for.
At the same time, our farming communities are disappearing. Deregulation in banking and agriculture has made it nearly impossible for small, family-owned farms to compete, and corporate consolidation has pushed food production into the hands of a few. Wealth inequality continues to surge, with the top 10% holding more than 70% of all wealth, and the middle third shrinking into financial uncertainty.
We also face a national education system that’s fallen far behind other developed nations. We’re failing to prepare our youth not just academically, but for life—offering neither the skills for modern trades nor the values of community, responsibility, and civic duty. Socially, families are forming later in life, fewer Americans are having children, and more kids are being raised outside stable households. These cultural shifts have consequences—economically, emotionally, and socially.
The Founders likely dreamed of a world with faster communication—maybe even something like the internet—but it’s doubtful they anticipated nonstop political noise, permanent campaigns, and billion-dollar media machines. That’s why I believe we need modern term reforms that reflect today’s political reality. My ideal structure would lengthen House terms to four years and shorten Senate terms to three, with a firm 12-year total limit in either chamber. The current imbalance has turned Senators—who were once selected by state legislatures—into long-term power players with less accountability and more influence, while the House, despite having more legislative authority in theory, is often treated like a stepping stone.
I strongly support term limits. I believe U.S. Senators should be limited to two 6-year terms, and members of the House of Representatives should be limited to six 2-year terms. But I would go even further. I support an Article V constitutional amendment that would rebalance those terms—shortening a Senate term to 3 years and extending a House term to 4 years. In that framework, no member of Congress would serve more than 12 years total, regardless of chamber.
From Senator Robert A. Taft, I take inspiration in my mission to re-regulate Wall Street and apply a balanced approach to both unions and corporations. Though controversial, Taft's push for the Taft-Hartley Act represented a desire to restore equilibrium in labor and business.
From Senator Everett Dirksen, I learned that courage means standing against your own party when something is morally or constitutionally right. He proved that party loyalty should never come before justice or the will of the people.
Senator Nelson Aldrich is a figure I respectfully study—not because I agree with his creation of the Federal Reserve, but because his strategic influence over banking and tax policy was immense. His command of systems reminds me what it will take to abolish the Fed and establish a publicly accountable alternative like the Hamilton National Reserve.
And from Speaker Newt Gingrich, I take a lesson in execution. Regardless of your opinion of him, Gingrich showed that Congress can function and deliver big results—if leadership is willing to push through gridlock and rally others to act.
The first came early on, when I was just exploring whether to run. I made it a point to ask everyone I met what they wished their federal government would do for them. Five out of seven people, almost word-for-word, said the same thing: “More opportunity for people with a past.” They weren’t talking about handouts—they were talking about second chances. Many had made mistakes out of poverty or desperation, and after serving their time, they found the job market closed to them. Add in a history of drug use, and that door shrinks even more. Our system punishes people, then continues punishing them long after their sentence ends. That cycle traps good people. It opened my eyes to just how deeply broken our approach to justice and recovery is.
America was born out of compromise. The Constitution itself is a product of hard, painful negotiations between people who disagreed deeply but loved this country more than they loved being right. In our day-to-day lives, we work with people from all walks of life and put aside personal beliefs to get the job done. That mindset should apply in Congress. Unfortunately, today’s political culture encourages isolation, echo chambers, and division. We’re told to cancel each other, not to listen. We’re told the other side is evil, not human.
We must return to a place where finding common ground is not viewed as betrayal, but as leadership. No one will ever agree 100% of the time—and that’s okay. The key to progress lies in finding the 60% we do agree on and building from there. That’s how we fund infrastructure. That’s how we protect veterans. That’s how we fix trade, strengthen families, and restore faith in our institutions.
It is the House’s constitutional duty to pass a budget—every year, without fail. Too often, Congress punts that responsibility, relying on continuing resolutions and omnibus bills that nobody reads, let alone understands. I believe every bill proposed should come with a clear and honest explanation of its cost and impact. That’s why any legislation I propose will be fully offset—I don’t believe in creating new programs without first identifying where to cut. My goal is always a net-zero increase in spending.
That means less focus on relitigating old political campaigns and more focus on modern monopolies and economic manipulation. We need full-scale antitrust investigations into entities like BlackRock, Vanguard, and others that now wield more influence than some governments. No single firm or family—such as the Patel family with their national hospital holdings—should be allowed to quietly consolidate power over critical infrastructure without congressional scrutiny. The House should lead those investigations with transparency and independence.
In addition to corporate concentration, the House should also investigate:
The origins and distribution networks behind the fentanyl crisis
Federal contracts awarded to military and pharmaceutical companies
Misuse of taxpayer funds across federal agencies
Regulatory capture inside federal institutions where industry is writing the rules
That moment has stuck with me. It speaks volumes about the disillusionment many Americans feel. The constant partisanship, the broken promises, and the sense that nobody in office really sees or hears them has created a condition of apathy among everyday people. When someone who has tuned out for decades suddenly feels seen, suddenly feels hope—that’s powerful. It reminds me why I’m doing this: to reconnect people to their government, to show them they still matter, and to help restore their faith that we can do better.
When no one else stepped forward, I did. I began organizing what started as a memorial horse show to honor Ashley’s life and raise awareness about teen dating violence. Within two years, it had grown into a full nonprofit organization that included a gala, a rodeo, and educational outreach. It was one of the most meaningful and rewarding chapters of my life—not because I had personal ties to the cause, but because I followed a calling I couldn't ignore.
We should also lead globally in AI innovation. That means investing in domestic semiconductor manufacturing, reducing our reliance on foreign supply chains, and processing our own lithium and critical minerals here in the United States. National security and economic strength depend on our ability to control the technology we rely on.
AI—particularly machine learning, deep learning, and emerging agent-based systems—has real value. It can help government agencies process information faster, make data-driven decisions, and even catalog and cross-reference the entire Congressional Library in seconds. But it’s not perfect. AI systems are only as good as their data and training, and they can be biased, unreliable, or prone to error if left unchecked.
First, I support legislation requiring valid government-issued identification—such as a driver’s license or state ID—to vote in federal elections. This is not about restricting access; it’s about ensuring that every vote cast is legitimate and that every legal voter’s voice is protected. In a country where ID is required for everything from boarding a plane to opening a bank account, it should be required to help choose our nation's leaders.
I also support a national campaign for nonpartisan voter education—focused on empowering Americans with accurate information, free of manipulation from either political party. This includes an online, accessible federal resource center that explains how elections work, what’s on the ballot, and what voters need to know to make informed choices.
Additionally, I believe we need to strengthen civics education across the country. I would support a national mandate requiring civics to be taught at every grade level—from elementary through high school—to ensure future generations understand their rights, responsibilities, and the structure of our government.
Lastly, while I understand the voting age was lowered from 21 to 18 during the Vietnam era, I would support a national conversation and legislative effort to raise the voting age to 25, based on neuroscience showing that the frontal cortex—the area responsible for decision-making—is not fully developed until that age. Voting is a serious act, and we should approach it with the same level of maturity and accountability that we expect from our leaders.
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Campaign finance summary
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See also
2026 Elections
External links
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Candidate U.S. House Texas District 12 |
Personal |
Footnotes
