Proportion of each party's national U.S. House vote and share of seats won in U.S. House of Representatives elections

From Ballotpedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Portal:Legislative Branch
Features of Congress

Definitions
Classes of United States SenatorsPresident Pro Tempore of the SenateUnited States Speaker of the HouseFilibusterReconciliationVote-a-ramasParliamentarianChristmas tree bill

Notable events
Key votesPresidential addresses

Elections
Election datesFiling requirements for congressional candidatesFilling vacancies in SenateFilling vacancies in House

Campaign finance
Federal Election CommissionDemocratic Congressional Campaign CommitteeNational Republican Congressional CommitteeDemocratic Senatorial Campaign CommitteeNational Republican Senatorial Committee

Sessions
119th Congress
118th117th116th115th114th113th112th111th110th


This page shows each major party's number of U.S. House seats won in relation to U.S. House national vote share gained in general elections from 1942 to 2024. The data show that winning the popular vote does not always translate into control of the chamber or control of a number of seats equally proportional to the number of votes received.

HIGHLIGHTS
  • Since 1942, the party that received the largest vote share in U.S. House elections won a majority in the U.S. House in every election but three: 1942, 1996, and 2012.
  • In 1942, Republican candidates received 50.6% of the U.S. House vote nationwide and Democratic candidates received 46.1%. Democrats won control of the chamber at 222-209 (plus four independents).
  • In 1996, Democratic candidates received 48.1% of the U.S. House vote nationwide and Republican candidates received 47.8%. Republicans won control of the chamber at 226-207 (plus two independents).
  • In 2012, Democratic candidates received 48.4% of the U.S. House vote nationwide and Republican candidates received 47.1%. Republicans won control of the chamber at 234-201.
  • The largest difference between the Democratic Party's share of seats won and its national vote share in U.S. House elections was in 1976. That year, it received 55.5% of the nationwide vote and won 292 districts (67.1% of U.S. House seats).
  • The largest difference between the Republican Party's share of seats won and its national vote share in U.S. House elections was in 1964. That year, it received 42.4% of the nationwide vote and won 140 districts (32.2% of U.S. House seats).

  • While a number of factors influence these data, the way in which the House is structured may have the greatest effect of all. The Public Policy Institute of California's Eric McGhee writes: "[S]ingle-member district elections—like the ones for the US House of Representatives—have historically had a natural 'winner’s bonus' that usually gives the majority party a higher seat share than vote share, even without a gerrymander. For example, a party winning 55% of the votes would rarely win exactly 55% of the seats. It would almost always win at least a few percentage points more, and sometimes far more than that. So a modest seats-votes discrepancy is normal and not a sign of gerrymandering."[1]

    Other factors, such as split-ticket voting, gerrymandering, and population shifts, contribute to the difference between a party's vote and seat share in the U.S. House. During the 1980s, with President Ronald Reagan (R) serving from 1981 to 1989, Democrats controlled the U.S. House and won a significant share of U.S. House seats in comparison to their share of U.S. House votes. The Atlantic's Ronald Brownstein writes, "Through the late 20th century, it was common for a large number of districts to support House candidates from one party and presidential nominees from the other. About 190 districts split their votes during landslides for Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, largely because many conservative southerners still voted Democratic for the House even as they backed those GOP presidential candidates. But as more voters have treated congressional elections as choices between competing parties rather than competing individuals, the number of split districts has dwindled."[2]

    Click here to read more about split-ticket voting, gerrymandering, and population shifts in relation to U.S. House vote and seat shares.

    On this page, you will find:

    Overview

    This chart displays each major party's percentage of total votes cast in all U.S. House elections nationwide and the percentage of seats each major party won in U.S. House elections since 1942.



    Each party's share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in U.S. House elections, 1942-2024
    YearElection TypeDemocratic share of U.S. House voteDemocratic share of U.S. House seatsRepublican share of U.S. House voteRepublican share of U.S. House seatsIndependent/Minor-party share of U.S. House vote
    2024Presidential47.2%49.4%49.7%50.6%3.1%
    2022[3]Mid-term47.3%49.0%50.0%51.0%2.7%
    2020Presidential50.3%51.0%47.2%48.7%2.5%
    2018Mid-term52.9%54.0%44.3%45.7%2.8%
    2016Presidential47.3%44.6%48.3%55.4%4.3%
    2014Mid-term44.9%43.2%50.7%56.8%4.5%
    2012[4]Presidential48.4%46.2%47.1%53.8%4.5%
    2010Mid-term44.8%44.4%51.4%55.6%3.8%
    2008Presidential52.9%59.1%42.4%40.9%4.7%
    2006Mid-term52.0%53.6%44.1%46.4%4.0%
    2004Presidential46.6%46.2%49.2%53.6%4.2%
    2002[5]Mid-term45.0%47.1%49.6%52.6%5.3%
    2000Presidential47.0%48.7%47.3%50.8%5.7%
    1998Mid-term47.1%48.5%48.0%51.3%4.8%
    1996Presidential48.1%47.6%47.8%52.0%4.1%
    1994Mid-term44.7%46.9%51.5%52.9%3.7%
    1992[6]Presidential49.9%59.3%44.8%40.5%5.3%
    1990Mid-term52.0%61.4%43.9%38.4%4.1%
    1988Presidential53.2%59.8%45.3%40.2%1.5%
    1986Mid-term54.1%59.3%44.2%40.7%1.7%
    1984Presidential51.9%58.4%46.8%41.6%1.3%
    1982[7]Mid-term55.0%61.8%43.2%38.2%1.8%
    1980Presidential50.3%55.9%47.6%44.1%2.1%
    1978Mid-term53.4%63.9%44.7%36.1%1.9%
    1976Presidential55.5%67.1%42.2%32.9%2.3%
    1974Mid-term57.1%66.9%40.5%33.1%2.4%
    1972[8]Presidential51.7%55.9%46.4%44.1%1.9%
    1970Mid-term53.0%58.6%44.5%41.4%2.5%
    1968Presidential50.0%55.9%48.2%44.1%1.8%
    1966Mid-term50.5%57.0%48.0%43.0%1.5%
    1964Presidential56.9%67.8%42.4%32.2%0.7%
    1962[9]Mid-term52.1%59.3%47.1%40.5%0.8%
    1960Presidential54.3%60.4%44.8%39.6%0.8%
    1958Mid-term55.5%64.7%43.6%35.1%0.9%
    1956Presidential50.7%53.3%48.7%46.7%0.6%
    1954Mid-term52.1%53.3%47.0%46.7%0.9%
    1952[10]Presidential49.2%49.0%49.3%50.8%1.5%
    1950Mid-term48.9%54.0%48.9%45.7%2.2%
    1948Presidential51.6%60.5%45.4%39.3%3.0%
    1946Mid-term44.3%43.2%53.5%56.6%2.3%
    1944Presidential50.6%56.1%47.2%43.4%2.2%
    1942[11]Mid-term46.1%51.0%50.6%48.0%3.3%



    Historical data

    The table below presents the national vote total for U.S. House of Representatives by party:[12]

    Nationwide vote total for U.S. House of Representatives by party, 1942-2024
    YearElection TypeDemocraticRepublicanIndependentLibertarianGreenOther (incl. write-in)Total
    2024Presidential70,571,33074,390,864852,373709,405182,8412,836,608149,543,421
    2022[3]Mid-term51,280,46354,227,992515,322724,26469,8021,625,544108,443,387
    2020Presidential77,122,69072,466,576431,9841,100,63990,1212,219,395153,431,405
    2018Mid-term60,319,62350,467,181576,660758,492247,0211,647,854114,016,831
    2016Presidential61,417,45462,772,225870,1671,660,923501,1352,611,346129,833,250
    2014Mid-term35,368,84039,926,526650,070954,077246,5671,666,68978,812,769
    2012[4]Presidential59,214,91057,622,827486,8871,350,712348,5463,322,138122,346,020
    2010Mid-term38,854,45944,593,666519,0431,002,511230,7641,584,51486,784,957
    2008Presidential64,888,09051,952,981729,7981,083,096570,7803,361,548122,586,293
    2006Mid-term42,082,31135,674,808417,895657,435234,9391,908,14980,975,537
    2004Presidential52,745,12155,713,412674,2021,040,465331,2982,687,788113,192,286
    2002[5]Mid-term33,642,14237,091,270403,6701,030,171286,9622,252,34074,706,555
    2000Presidential46,411,55946,750,175683,0981,610,292279,1583,065,68198,799,963
    1998Mid-term31,391,83431,983,612372,072880,02470,9321,906,32866,604,802
    1996Presidential43,393,58043,120,872572,746651,44833,9542,460,86790,233,467
    1994Mid-term31,542,82336,325,809497,403415,94440,1771,671,49270,493,648
    1992[6]Presidential48,550,09643,498,0151,255,726848,614134,0722,911,79397,198,316
    1990Mid-term32,397,73227,402,036367,603444,750-1,742,73262,354,853
    1988Presidential43,473,08037,015,851161,381445,708-586,16581,682,185
    1986Mid-term32,338,34226,384,083157,332121,076-757,56459,758,397
    1984Presidential42,799,06038,540,762131,833275,865-674,31882,421,838
    1982[7]Mid-term35,126,40627,606,014120,476462,277-565,67163,880,844
    1980Presidential39,178,06637,068,791216,403568,131-842,52677,873,917
    1978Mid-term29,129,00724,401,021344,27264,310-645,31254,583,922
    1976Presidential41,241,50931,302,910558,96671,791-1,083,98874,259,164
    1974Mid-term29,872,84221,165,583340,501--934,53152,313,457
    1972[8]Presidential36,780,10033,064,172137,664--1,206,46971,188,405
    1970Mid-term28,781,04824,121,959122,430--1,233,44854,258,885
    1968Presidential33,045,28331,850,140---1,213,78666,109,209
    1966Mid-term26,712,14225,408,79885,641--695,39452,901,975
    1964Presidential37,487,44527,908,176115,403--368,16265,879,186
    1962[9]Mid-term26,694,63424,160,38779,684--307,48351,242,188
    1960Presidential34,844,33828,750,8661,394--527,71264,124,310
    1958Mid-term25,365,96119,943,88230,503--378,64845,718,994
    1956Presidential29,831,60828,697,32112,167--344,64758,885,743
    1954Mid-term22,177,08820,034,76374,486--296,59042,582,927
    1952[10]Presidential28,336,12728,399,286111,780--723,54757,570,740
    1950Mid-term19,785,12219,750,393119,634--774,40740,429,556
    1948Presidential23,838,35320,979,04929,419--1,372,69646,219,517
    1946Mid-term15,228,40818,404,76474,962--702,19034,410,324
    1944Presidential22,819,22621,303,27990,625--896,61645,109,746
    1942[11]Mid-term12,934,69714,203,27567,333--869,05928,074,364



    The table below presents the number of U.S. House districts won by each political party in that year's elections:[13]

    Number of U.S. House of Representatives districts won by party, 1940-2024
    YearElection TypeDemocratsRepublicansIndependentsVacant
    2024Presidential215220  
    2022[3]Mid-term213222  
    2020Presidential222212 1
    2018Mid-term235199 1
    2016Presidential194241  
    2014Mid-term188247  
    2012[4]Presidential201234  
    2010Mid-term193242  
    2008Presidential257178  
    2006Mid-term233202  
    2004Presidential2012331 
    2002[5]Mid-term2052291 
    2000Presidential2122212 
    1998Mid-term2112231 
    1996Presidential2072262 
    1994Mid-term2042301 
    1992[6]Presidential2581761 
    1990Mid-term2671671 
    1988Presidential260175  
    1986Mid-term258177  
    1984Presidential254181  
    1982[7]Mid-term269166  
    1980Presidential243192  
    1978Mid-term278157  
    1976Presidential292143  
    1974Mid-term291144  
    1972[8]Presidential243192  
    1970Mid-term255180  
    1968Presidential243192  
    1966Mid-term248187  
    1964Presidential295140  
    1962[9]Mid-term2581761 
    1960[14][15]Presidential264173  
    1958[16][15]Mid-term2821531 
    1956Presidential232203  
    1954Mid-term232203  
    1952[10]Presidential2132211 
    1950Mid-term2351991 
    1948Presidential2631711 
    1946Mid-term1882461 
    1944Presidential2441892 
    1942[11]Mid-term2222094 
    1940Presidential2671626 

    Democratic Party share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in the House of Representatives

    This chart displays the Democratic Party's percentage of total votes cast in all U.S. House elections nationwide and the percentage of seats the Democratic Party won in each year's House of Representatives elections since 1942.



    Democratic share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in the House of Representatives, 1942-2024
    YearElection TypeDemocratic share of U.S. House voteDemocratic share of U.S. House seats
    2024Presidential47.2%49.4%
    2022[3]Mid-term47.3%49.0%
    2020Presidential50.3%51.0%
    2018Mid-term52.9%54.0%
    2016Presidential47.3%44.6%
    2014Mid-term44.9%43.2%
    2012[4]Presidential48.4%46.2%
    2010Mid-term44.8%44.4%
    2008Presidential52.9%59.1%
    2006Mid-term52.0%53.6%
    2004Presidential46.6%46.2%
    2002[5]Mid-term45.0%47.1%
    2000Presidential47.0%48.7%
    1998Mid-term47.1%48.5%
    1996Presidential48.1%47.6%
    1994Mid-term44.7%46.9%
    1992[6]Presidential49.9%59.3%
    1990Mid-term52.0%61.4%
    1988Presidential53.2%59.8%
    1986Mid-term54.1%59.3%
    1984Presidential51.9%58.4%
    1982[7]Mid-term55.0%61.8%
    1980Presidential50.3%55.9%
    1978Mid-term53.4%63.9%
    1976Presidential55.5%67.1%
    1974Mid-term57.1%66.9%
    1972[8]Presidential51.7%55.9%
    1970Mid-term53.0%58.6%
    1968Presidential50.0%55.9%
    1966Mid-term50.5%57.0%
    1964Presidential56.9%67.8%
    1962[9]Mid-term52.1%59.3%
    1960Presidential54.3%60.4%
    1958Mid-term55.5%64.7%
    1956Presidential50.7%53.3%
    1954Mid-term52.1%53.3%
    1952[10]Presidential49.2%49.0%
    1950Mid-term48.9%54.0%
    1948Presidential51.6%60.5%
    1946Mid-term44.3%43.2%
    1944Presidential50.6%56.1%
    1942[11]Mid-term46.1%51.0%

    Republican Party share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in the House of Representatives

    This chart displays the Republican Party's percentage of total votes cast in all U.S. House elections nationwide and the percentage of seats the Republican Party won in each year's House of Representatives elections since 1942.



    Republican share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in the House of Representatives, 1942-2024
    YearElection TypeRepublican share of U.S. House voteRepublican share of U.S. House seats
    2024Presidential49.7%50.6%
    2022[3]Mid-term50.0%51.0%
    2020Presidential47.2%48.7%
    2018Mid-term44.3%45.7%
    2016Presidential48.3%55.4%
    2014Mid-term50.7%56.8%
    2012[4]Presidential47.1%53.8%
    2010Mid-term51.4%55.6%
    2008Presidential42.4%40.9%
    2006Mid-term44.1%46.4%
    2004Presidential49.2%53.6%
    2002[5]Mid-term49.6%52.6%
    2000Presidential47.3%50.8%
    1998Mid-term48.0%51.3%
    1996Presidential47.8%52.0%
    1994Mid-term51.5%52.9%
    1992[6]Presidential44.8%40.5%
    1990Mid-term43.9%38.4%
    1988Presidential45.3%40.2%
    1986Mid-term44.2%40.7%
    1984Presidential46.8%41.6%
    1982[7]Mid-term43.2%38.2%
    1980Presidential47.6%44.1%
    1978Mid-term44.7%36.1%
    1976Presidential42.2%32.9%
    1974Mid-term40.5%33.1%
    1972[8]Presidential46.4%44.1%
    1970Mid-term44.5%41.4%
    1968Presidential48.2%44.1%
    1966Mid-term48.0%43.0%
    1964Presidential42.4%32.2%
    1962[9]Mid-term47.1%40.5%
    1960Presidential44.8%39.6%
    1958Mid-term43.6%35.1%
    1956Presidential48.7%46.7%
    1954Mid-term47.0%46.7%
    1952[10]Presidential49.3%50.8%
    1950Mid-term48.9%45.7%
    1948Presidential45.4%39.3%
    1946Mid-term53.5%56.6%
    1944Presidential47.2%43.4%
    1942[11]Mid-term50.6%48.0%

    Media commentary

    During the 1980s, with President Ronald Reagan (R) serving from 1981 to 1989, Democrats controlled the U.S. House and won a significant share of U.S. House seats in comparison to their share of U.S. House votes. The Atlantic's Ronald Brownstein writes, "Through the late 20th century, it was common for a large number of districts to support House candidates from one party and presidential nominees from the other. About 190 districts split their votes during landslides for Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, largely because many conservative southerners still voted Democratic for the House even as they backed those GOP presidential candidates. But as more voters have treated congressional elections as choices between competing parties rather than competing individuals, the number of split districts has dwindled."[2]

    The period of Democratic dominance, from the mid-1950s to early 1990s, ended in 1994 when Republicans gained control of both the U.S. House and U.S. Senate for the first time in 40 years. According to Politico's Andrew Glass, Republicans gained 54 seats from Democrats, with 34 Democratic incumbents losing re-election. No Republican incumbent lost re-election. Glass writes, "The newly empowered GOP united under the 'Contract with America,' a 10-point legislative plan to cut federal taxes, balance the budget and dismantle a host of welfare programs enacted and expanded during the decades of Democratic rule."[17]

    In January 2010, Republicans controlled 14 state legislatures, while Democrats controlled 27 and eight were split.[18] Following the 2010 state legislative elections, Republicans controlled 25 state legislatures, while Democrats controlled 16 and eight were split.[19] This election success gave Republicans an advantage over state-level and congressional redistricting following the 2010 census. According to Carl Klarner, a political scientist at Indiana State University, Democrats had at least a 2-to-1 advantage in redistricting authority over the previous 40 years.[20][21]

    Republican gerrymandering and population shifts led to lopsided results in the 2012 election. That year, Republican candidates received 47.1% of the U.S. House vote nationwide and Democratic candidates received 48.4%. Republicans, however, won control of the chamber at 234-201. Facing South's Chris Kromm cites North Carolina as an extreme example of partisan gerrymandering: "Despite Democrats garnering 51 percent of the overall U.S. House vote in the state, Democrats ended up with only four out of 13 of the seats."[22]

    As for population shifts, the conservative southerners of the 1940s, 50s, 60s, 70s, and 80s no longer constituted a reliable Democratic voting block. Looking at the 21st century, Brownstein writes, "In geographic terms, [the Democratic Party's] coalition is deep but narrow. The party has consolidated its hold on the nation’s largest metropolitan centers, which allows it to amass substantial popular-vote victories, but it has systematically declined in the smaller places beyond them."[2] This deep but narrow consolidation of power, as well as a downward trend in split-ticket voting, led to Democrats having a "natural disadvantage in the House," according to political analysts from both parties.[2]

    Kromm expands on this argument, "Democrats get naturally packed into certain districts, where they have run up big vote totals out of line with Republicans, who are more spread out."[22] Political analyst Nicholas Goedert ties together the House structure, gerrymandering, and population shifts arguments when he writes, "[S]tates that are heavily urbanized ... are more distorted against Democrats than more rural states."[22] He adds, "I find that while both parties exceeded expectations when controlling the redistricting process, a persistent pro-Republican bias is also present even when maps are drawn by courts or bipartisan agreement. This persistent bias is a greater factor in the nationwide disparity between seats and votes than intentional gerrymandering."[23]


    See also

    External links

    Footnotes

    1. Public Policy Institute of California, "Do California and Texas Have Gerrymandered Districts?" August 21, 2025
    2. 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 The Atlantic, "Democrats' Real Liability in the House," November 27, 2020
    3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 2020 census.
    4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 2010 census.
    5. 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 2000 census.
    6. 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1990 census.
    7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1980 census.
    8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1970 census.
    9. 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1960 census.
    10. 10.0 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1950 census.
    11. 11.0 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1940 census.
    12. United States House of Representatives, "Election Statistics, 1920 to Present," accessed August 26, 2025
    13. United States House of Representatives, "Party Divisions of the House of Representatives, 1789 to Present," accessed August 26, 2025
    14. Four hundred and thirty-seven seats were up for election in the U.S. House this year.
    15. 15.0 15.1 Congress.gov, "Size of the U.S. House of Representatives," January 8, 2025
    16. Four hundred and thirty-six seats were up for election in the U.S. House this year.
    17. Politico, "Congress runs into 'Republican Revolution' Nov. 8, 1994," November 8, 2007
    18. NCSL, "2010 State and Legislative Partisan Composition," accessed September 3, 2025
    19. NCSL, "2011 State and Legislative Partisan Composition," accessed September 3, 2025
    20. Real Clear Politics, "For Democrats: Red Alert in the States" October 26, 2010
    21. NPR "GOP Poised to Win Congress, Redistricting Edge," October 25, 2010
    22. 22.0 22.1 22.2 Facing South, "The South and 'the Great Gerrymander of 2012,'" February 8, 2013
    23. Research and Politics, "Gerrymandering or geography? How Democrats won the popular vote but lost the Congress in 2012," June 2014