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Proportion of each party's national U.S. House vote and share of seats won in U.S. House of Representatives elections

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This page shows each major party's number of U.S. House seats won in relation to U.S. House national vote share gained in general elections from 1942 to 2024. The data show that winning the popular vote does not always translate into control of the chamber or control of a number of seats equally proportional to the number of votes received.

HIGHLIGHTS
  • Since 1942, the party that received the largest vote share in U.S. House elections won a majority in the U.S. House in every election but three: 1942, 1996, and 2012.
  • In 1942, Republican candidates received 50.6% of the U.S. House vote nationwide and Democratic candidates received 46.1%. Democrats won control of the chamber at 222-209 (plus four independents).
  • In 1996, Democratic candidates received 48.1% of the U.S. House vote nationwide and Republican candidates received 47.8%. Republicans won control of the chamber at 226-207 (plus two independents).
  • In 2012, Democratic candidates received 48.4% of the U.S. House vote nationwide and Republican candidates received 47.1%. Republicans won control of the chamber at 234-201.
  • The largest difference between the Democratic Party's share of seats won and its national vote share in U.S. House elections was in 1976. That year, it received 55.5% of the nationwide vote and won 292 districts (67.1% of U.S. House seats).
  • The largest difference between the Republican Party's share of seats won and its national vote share in U.S. House elections was in 1964. That year, it received 42.4% of the nationwide vote and won 140 districts (32.2% of U.S. House seats).


    • While a number of factors influence these data, the way in which the House is structured may have the greatest effect of all. The Public Policy Institute of California's Eric McGhee writes: "[S]ingle-member district elections—like the ones for the US House of Representatives—have historically had a natural 'winner’s bonus' that usually gives the majority party a higher seat share than vote share, even without a gerrymander. For example, a party winning 55% of the votes would rarely win exactly 55% of the seats. It would almost always win at least a few percentage points more, and sometimes far more than that. So a modest seats-votes discrepancy is normal and not a sign of gerrymandering."[1]

    Other factors, such as split-ticket voting, gerrymandering, and population shifts, contribute to the difference between a party's vote and seat share in the U.S. House. During the 1980s, with President Ronald Reagan (R) serving from 1981 to 1989, Democrats controlled the U.S. House and won a significant share of U.S. House seats in comparison to their share of U.S. House votes. The Atlantic's Ronald Brownstein writes, "Through the late 20th century, it was common for a large number of districts to support House candidates from one party and presidential nominees from the other. About 190 districts split their votes during landslides for Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, largely because many conservative southerners still voted Democratic for the House even as they backed those GOP presidential candidates. But as more voters have treated congressional elections as choices between competing parties rather than competing individuals, the number of split districts has dwindled."[2]

    Click here to read more about split-ticket voting, gerrymandering, and population shifts in relation to U.S. House vote and seat shares.

    On this page, you will find:

    Overview

    This chart displays each major party's percentage of total votes cast in all U.S. House elections nationwide and the percentage of seats each major party won in U.S. House elections since 1942.



    Each party's share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in U.S. House elections, 1942-2024
    Year Election Type Democratic share of U.S. House vote Democratic share of U.S. House seats Republican share of U.S. House vote Republican share of U.S. House seats Independent/Minor-party share of U.S. House vote
    2024 Presidential 47.2% 49.4% 49.7% 50.6% 3.1%
    2022[3] Mid-term 47.3% 49.0% 50.0% 51.0% 2.7%
    2020 Presidential 50.3% 51.0% 47.2% 48.7% 2.5%
    2018 Mid-term 52.9% 54.0% 44.3% 45.7% 2.8%
    2016 Presidential 47.3% 44.6% 48.3% 55.4% 4.3%
    2014 Mid-term 44.9% 43.2% 50.7% 56.8% 4.5%
    2012[4] Presidential 48.4% 46.2% 47.1% 53.8% 4.5%
    2010 Mid-term 44.8% 44.4% 51.4% 55.6% 3.8%
    2008 Presidential 52.9% 59.1% 42.4% 40.9% 4.7%
    2006 Mid-term 52.0% 53.6% 44.1% 46.4% 4.0%
    2004 Presidential 46.6% 46.2% 49.2% 53.6% 4.2%
    2002[5] Mid-term 45.0% 47.1% 49.6% 52.6% 5.3%
    2000 Presidential 47.0% 48.7% 47.3% 50.8% 5.7%
    1998 Mid-term 47.1% 48.5% 48.0% 51.3% 4.8%
    1996 Presidential 48.1% 47.6% 47.8% 52.0% 4.1%
    1994 Mid-term 44.7% 46.9% 51.5% 52.9% 3.7%
    1992[6] Presidential 49.9% 59.3% 44.8% 40.5% 5.3%
    1990 Mid-term 52.0% 61.4% 43.9% 38.4% 4.1%
    1988 Presidential 53.2% 59.8% 45.3% 40.2% 1.5%
    1986 Mid-term 54.1% 59.3% 44.2% 40.7% 1.7%
    1984 Presidential 51.9% 58.4% 46.8% 41.6% 1.3%
    1982[7] Mid-term 55.0% 61.8% 43.2% 38.2% 1.8%
    1980 Presidential 50.3% 55.9% 47.6% 44.1% 2.1%
    1978 Mid-term 53.4% 63.9% 44.7% 36.1% 1.9%
    1976 Presidential 55.5% 67.1% 42.2% 32.9% 2.3%
    1974 Mid-term 57.1% 66.9% 40.5% 33.1% 2.4%
    1972[8] Presidential 51.7% 55.9% 46.4% 44.1% 1.9%
    1970 Mid-term 53.0% 58.6% 44.5% 41.4% 2.5%
    1968 Presidential 50.0% 55.9% 48.2% 44.1% 1.8%
    1966 Mid-term 50.5% 57.0% 48.0% 43.0% 1.5%
    1964 Presidential 56.9% 67.8% 42.4% 32.2% 0.7%
    1962[9] Mid-term 52.1% 59.3% 47.1% 40.5% 0.8%
    1960 Presidential 54.3% 60.4% 44.8% 39.6% 0.8%
    1958 Mid-term 55.5% 64.7% 43.6% 35.1% 0.9%
    1956 Presidential 50.7% 53.3% 48.7% 46.7% 0.6%
    1954 Mid-term 52.1% 53.3% 47.0% 46.7% 0.9%
    1952[10] Presidential 49.2% 49.0% 49.3% 50.8% 1.5%
    1950 Mid-term 48.9% 54.0% 48.9% 45.7% 2.2%
    1948 Presidential 51.6% 60.5% 45.4% 39.3% 3.0%
    1946 Mid-term 44.3% 43.2% 53.5% 56.6% 2.3%
    1944 Presidential 50.6% 56.1% 47.2% 43.4% 2.2%
    1942[11] Mid-term 46.1% 51.0% 50.6% 48.0% 3.3%



    Historical data

    The table below presents the national vote total for U.S. House of Representatives by party:[12]

    Nationwide vote total for U.S. House of Representatives by party, 1942-2024
    Year Election Type Democratic Republican Independent Libertarian Green Other (incl. write-in) Total
    2024 Presidential 70,571,330 74,390,864 852,373 709,405 182,841 2,836,608 149,543,421
    2022[3] Mid-term 51,280,463 54,227,992 515,322 724,264 69,802 1,625,544 108,443,387
    2020 Presidential 77,122,690 72,466,576 431,984 1,100,639 90,121 2,219,395 153,431,405
    2018 Mid-term 60,319,623 50,467,181 576,660 758,492 247,021 1,647,854 114,016,831
    2016 Presidential 61,417,454 62,772,225 870,167 1,660,923 501,135 2,611,346 129,833,250
    2014 Mid-term 35,368,840 39,926,526 650,070 954,077 246,567 1,666,689 78,812,769
    2012[4] Presidential 59,214,910 57,622,827 486,887 1,350,712 348,546 3,322,138 122,346,020
    2010 Mid-term 38,854,459 44,593,666 519,043 1,002,511 230,764 1,584,514 86,784,957
    2008 Presidential 64,888,090 51,952,981 729,798 1,083,096 570,780 3,361,548 122,586,293
    2006 Mid-term 42,082,311 35,674,808 417,895 657,435 234,939 1,908,149 80,975,537
    2004 Presidential 52,745,121 55,713,412 674,202 1,040,465 331,298 2,687,788 113,192,286
    2002[5] Mid-term 33,642,142 37,091,270 403,670 1,030,171 286,962 2,252,340 74,706,555
    2000 Presidential 46,411,559 46,750,175 683,098 1,610,292 279,158 3,065,681 98,799,963
    1998 Mid-term 31,391,834 31,983,612 372,072 880,024 70,932 1,906,328 66,604,802
    1996 Presidential 43,393,580 43,120,872 572,746 651,448 33,954 2,460,867 90,233,467
    1994 Mid-term 31,542,823 36,325,809 497,403 415,944 40,177 1,671,492 70,493,648
    1992[6] Presidential 48,550,096 43,498,015 1,255,726 848,614 134,072 2,911,793 97,198,316
    1990 Mid-term 32,397,732 27,402,036 367,603 444,750 - 1,742,732 62,354,853
    1988 Presidential 43,473,080 37,015,851 161,381 445,708 - 586,165 81,682,185
    1986 Mid-term 32,338,342 26,384,083 157,332 121,076 - 757,564 59,758,397
    1984 Presidential 42,799,060 38,540,762 131,833 275,865 - 674,318 82,421,838
    1982[7] Mid-term 35,126,406 27,606,014 120,476 462,277 - 565,671 63,880,844
    1980 Presidential 39,178,066 37,068,791 216,403 568,131 - 842,526 77,873,917
    1978 Mid-term 29,129,007 24,401,021 344,272 64,310 - 645,312 54,583,922
    1976 Presidential 41,241,509 31,302,910 558,966 71,791 - 1,083,988 74,259,164
    1974 Mid-term 29,872,842 21,165,583 340,501 - - 934,531 52,313,457
    1972[8] Presidential 36,780,100 33,064,172 137,664 - - 1,206,469 71,188,405
    1970 Mid-term 28,781,048 24,121,959 122,430 - - 1,233,448 54,258,885
    1968 Presidential 33,045,283 31,850,140 - - - 1,213,786 66,109,209
    1966 Mid-term 26,712,142 25,408,798 85,641 - - 695,394 52,901,975
    1964 Presidential 37,487,445 27,908,176 115,403 - - 368,162 65,879,186
    1962[9] Mid-term 26,694,634 24,160,387 79,684 - - 307,483 51,242,188
    1960 Presidential 34,844,338 28,750,866 1,394 - - 527,712 64,124,310
    1958 Mid-term 25,365,961 19,943,882 30,503 - - 378,648 45,718,994
    1956 Presidential 29,831,608 28,697,321 12,167 - - 344,647 58,885,743
    1954 Mid-term 22,177,088 20,034,763 74,486 - - 296,590 42,582,927
    1952[10] Presidential 28,336,127 28,399,286 111,780 - - 723,547 57,570,740
    1950 Mid-term 19,785,122 19,750,393 119,634 - - 774,407 40,429,556
    1948 Presidential 23,838,353 20,979,049 29,419 - - 1,372,696 46,219,517
    1946 Mid-term 15,228,408 18,404,764 74,962 - - 702,190 34,410,324
    1944 Presidential 22,819,226 21,303,279 90,625 - - 896,616 45,109,746
    1942[11] Mid-term 12,934,697 14,203,275 67,333 - - 869,059 28,074,364



    The table below presents the number of U.S. House districts won by each political party in that year's elections:[13]

    Number of U.S. House of Representatives districts won by party, 1940-2024
    Year Election Type Democrats Republicans Independents Vacant
    2024 Presidential 215 220    
    2022[3] Mid-term 213 222    
    2020 Presidential 222 212   1
    2018 Mid-term 235 199   1
    2016 Presidential 194 241    
    2014 Mid-term 188 247    
    2012[4] Presidential 201 234    
    2010 Mid-term 193 242    
    2008 Presidential 257 178    
    2006 Mid-term 233 202    
    2004 Presidential 201 233 1  
    2002[5] Mid-term 205 229 1  
    2000 Presidential 212 221 2  
    1998 Mid-term 211 223 1  
    1996 Presidential 207 226 2  
    1994 Mid-term 204 230 1  
    1992[6] Presidential 258 176 1  
    1990 Mid-term 267 167 1  
    1988 Presidential 260 175    
    1986 Mid-term 258 177    
    1984 Presidential 254 181    
    1982[7] Mid-term 269 166    
    1980 Presidential 243 192    
    1978 Mid-term 278 157    
    1976 Presidential 292 143    
    1974 Mid-term 291 144    
    1972[8] Presidential 243 192    
    1970 Mid-term 255 180    
    1968 Presidential 243 192    
    1966 Mid-term 248 187    
    1964 Presidential 295 140    
    1962[9] Mid-term 258 176 1  
    1960[14][15] Presidential 264 173    
    1958[16][15] Mid-term 282 153 1  
    1956 Presidential 232 203    
    1954 Mid-term 232 203    
    1952[10] Presidential 213 221 1  
    1950 Mid-term 235 199 1  
    1948 Presidential 263 171 1  
    1946 Mid-term 188 246 1  
    1944 Presidential 244 189 2  
    1942[11] Mid-term 222 209 4  
    1940 Presidential 267 162 6  

    Democratic Party share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in the House of Representatives

    This chart displays the Democratic Party's percentage of total votes cast in all U.S. House elections nationwide and the percentage of seats the Democratic Party won in each year's House of Representatives elections since 1942.



    Democratic share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in the House of Representatives, 1942-2024
    Year Election Type Democratic share of U.S. House vote Democratic share of U.S. House seats
    2024 Presidential 47.2% 49.4%
    2022[3] Mid-term 47.3% 49.0%
    2020 Presidential 50.3% 51.0%
    2018 Mid-term 52.9% 54.0%
    2016 Presidential 47.3% 44.6%
    2014 Mid-term 44.9% 43.2%
    2012[4] Presidential 48.4% 46.2%
    2010 Mid-term 44.8% 44.4%
    2008 Presidential 52.9% 59.1%
    2006 Mid-term 52.0% 53.6%
    2004 Presidential 46.6% 46.2%
    2002[5] Mid-term 45.0% 47.1%
    2000 Presidential 47.0% 48.7%
    1998 Mid-term 47.1% 48.5%
    1996 Presidential 48.1% 47.6%
    1994 Mid-term 44.7% 46.9%
    1992[6] Presidential 49.9% 59.3%
    1990 Mid-term 52.0% 61.4%
    1988 Presidential 53.2% 59.8%
    1986 Mid-term 54.1% 59.3%
    1984 Presidential 51.9% 58.4%
    1982[7] Mid-term 55.0% 61.8%
    1980 Presidential 50.3% 55.9%
    1978 Mid-term 53.4% 63.9%
    1976 Presidential 55.5% 67.1%
    1974 Mid-term 57.1% 66.9%
    1972[8] Presidential 51.7% 55.9%
    1970 Mid-term 53.0% 58.6%
    1968 Presidential 50.0% 55.9%
    1966 Mid-term 50.5% 57.0%
    1964 Presidential 56.9% 67.8%
    1962[9] Mid-term 52.1% 59.3%
    1960 Presidential 54.3% 60.4%
    1958 Mid-term 55.5% 64.7%
    1956 Presidential 50.7% 53.3%
    1954 Mid-term 52.1% 53.3%
    1952[10] Presidential 49.2% 49.0%
    1950 Mid-term 48.9% 54.0%
    1948 Presidential 51.6% 60.5%
    1946 Mid-term 44.3% 43.2%
    1944 Presidential 50.6% 56.1%
    1942[11] Mid-term 46.1% 51.0%

    Republican Party share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in the House of Representatives

    This chart displays the Republican Party's percentage of total votes cast in all U.S. House elections nationwide and the percentage of seats the Republican Party won in each year's House of Representatives elections since 1942.



    Republican share of national U.S. House vote versus seats in the House of Representatives, 1942-2024
    Year Election Type Republican share of U.S. House vote Republican share of U.S. House seats
    2024 Presidential 49.7% 50.6%
    2022[3] Mid-term 50.0% 51.0%
    2020 Presidential 47.2% 48.7%
    2018 Mid-term 44.3% 45.7%
    2016 Presidential 48.3% 55.4%
    2014 Mid-term 50.7% 56.8%
    2012[4] Presidential 47.1% 53.8%
    2010 Mid-term 51.4% 55.6%
    2008 Presidential 42.4% 40.9%
    2006 Mid-term 44.1% 46.4%
    2004 Presidential 49.2% 53.6%
    2002[5] Mid-term 49.6% 52.6%
    2000 Presidential 47.3% 50.8%
    1998 Mid-term 48.0% 51.3%
    1996 Presidential 47.8% 52.0%
    1994 Mid-term 51.5% 52.9%
    1992[6] Presidential 44.8% 40.5%
    1990 Mid-term 43.9% 38.4%
    1988 Presidential 45.3% 40.2%
    1986 Mid-term 44.2% 40.7%
    1984 Presidential 46.8% 41.6%
    1982[7] Mid-term 43.2% 38.2%
    1980 Presidential 47.6% 44.1%
    1978 Mid-term 44.7% 36.1%
    1976 Presidential 42.2% 32.9%
    1974 Mid-term 40.5% 33.1%
    1972[8] Presidential 46.4% 44.1%
    1970 Mid-term 44.5% 41.4%
    1968 Presidential 48.2% 44.1%
    1966 Mid-term 48.0% 43.0%
    1964 Presidential 42.4% 32.2%
    1962[9] Mid-term 47.1% 40.5%
    1960 Presidential 44.8% 39.6%
    1958 Mid-term 43.6% 35.1%
    1956 Presidential 48.7% 46.7%
    1954 Mid-term 47.0% 46.7%
    1952[10] Presidential 49.3% 50.8%
    1950 Mid-term 48.9% 45.7%
    1948 Presidential 45.4% 39.3%
    1946 Mid-term 53.5% 56.6%
    1944 Presidential 47.2% 43.4%
    1942[11] Mid-term 50.6% 48.0%

    Media commentary

    During the 1980s, with President Ronald Reagan (R) serving from 1981 to 1989, Democrats controlled the U.S. House and won a significant share of U.S. House seats in comparison to their share of U.S. House votes. The Atlantic's Ronald Brownstein writes, "Through the late 20th century, it was common for a large number of districts to support House candidates from one party and presidential nominees from the other. About 190 districts split their votes during landslides for Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, largely because many conservative southerners still voted Democratic for the House even as they backed those GOP presidential candidates. But as more voters have treated congressional elections as choices between competing parties rather than competing individuals, the number of split districts has dwindled."[2]

    The period of Democratic dominance, from the mid-1950s to early 1990s, ended in 1994 when Republicans gained control of both the U.S. House and U.S. Senate for the first time in 40 years. According to Politico's Andrew Glass, Republicans gained 54 seats from Democrats, with 34 Democratic incumbents losing re-election. No Republican incumbent lost re-election. Glass writes, "The newly empowered GOP united under the 'Contract with America,' a 10-point legislative plan to cut federal taxes, balance the budget and dismantle a host of welfare programs enacted and expanded during the decades of Democratic rule."[17]

    In January 2010, Republicans controlled 14 state legislatures, while Democrats controlled 27 and eight were split.[18] Following the 2010 state legislative elections, Republicans controlled 25 state legislatures, while Democrats controlled 16 and eight were split.[19] This election success gave Republicans an advantage over state-level and congressional redistricting following the 2010 census. According to Carl Klarner, a political scientist at Indiana State University, Democrats had at least a 2-to-1 advantage in redistricting authority over the previous 40 years.[20][21]

    Republican gerrymandering and population shifts led to lopsided results in the 2012 election. That year, Republican candidates received 47.1% of the U.S. House vote nationwide and Democratic candidates received 48.4%. Republicans, however, won control of the chamber at 234-201. Facing South's Chris Kromm cites North Carolina as an extreme example of partisan gerrymandering: "Despite Democrats garnering 51 percent of the overall U.S. House vote in the state, Democrats ended up with only four out of 13 of the seats."[22]

    As for population shifts, the conservative southerners of the 1940s, 50s, 60s, 70s, and 80s no longer constituted a reliable Democratic voting block. Looking at the 21st century, Brownstein writes, "In geographic terms, [the Democratic Party's] coalition is deep but narrow. The party has consolidated its hold on the nation’s largest metropolitan centers, which allows it to amass substantial popular-vote victories, but it has systematically declined in the smaller places beyond them."[2] This deep but narrow consolidation of power, as well as a downward trend in split-ticket voting, led to Democrats having a "natural disadvantage in the House," according to political analysts from both parties.[2]

    Kromm expands on this argument, "Democrats get naturally packed into certain districts, where they have run up big vote totals out of line with Republicans, who are more spread out."[22] Political analyst Nicholas Goedert ties together the House structure, gerrymandering, and population shifts arguments when he writes, "[S]tates that are heavily urbanized ... are more distorted against Democrats than more rural states."[22] He adds, "I find that while both parties exceeded expectations when controlling the redistricting process, a persistent pro-Republican bias is also present even when maps are drawn by courts or bipartisan agreement. This persistent bias is a greater factor in the nationwide disparity between seats and votes than intentional gerrymandering."[23]


    See also

    External links

    Footnotes

    1. ↑ Public Policy Institute of California, "Do California and Texas Have Gerrymandered Districts?" August 21, 2025
    2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 The Atlantic, "Democrats' Real Liability in the House," November 27, 2020
    3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 2020 census.
    4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 2010 census.
    5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 2000 census.
    6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1990 census.
    7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1980 census.
    8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1970 census.
    9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1960 census.
    10. ↑ 10.0 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1950 census.
    11. ↑ 11.0 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4 This was the first U.S. House election after the 1940 census.
    12. ↑ United States House of Representatives, "Election Statistics, 1920 to Present," accessed August 26, 2025
    13. ↑ United States House of Representatives, "Party Divisions of the House of Representatives, 1789 to Present," accessed August 26, 2025
    14. ↑ Four hundred and thirty-seven seats were up for election in the U.S. House this year.
    15. ↑ 15.0 15.1 Congress.gov, "Size of the U.S. House of Representatives," January 8, 2025
    16. ↑ Four hundred and thirty-six seats were up for election in the U.S. House this year.
    17. ↑ Politico, "Congress runs into 'Republican Revolution' Nov. 8, 1994," November 8, 2007
    18. ↑ NCSL, "2010 State and Legislative Partisan Composition," accessed September 3, 2025
    19. ↑ NCSL, "2011 State and Legislative Partisan Composition," accessed September 3, 2025
    20. ↑ Real Clear Politics, "For Democrats: Red Alert in the States" October 26, 2010
    21. ↑ NPR "GOP Poised to Win Congress, Redistricting Edge," October 25, 2010
    22. ↑ 22.0 22.1 22.2 Facing South, "The South and 'the Great Gerrymander of 2012,'" February 8, 2013
    23. ↑ Research and Politics, "Gerrymandering or geography? How Democrats won the popular vote but lost the Congress in 2012," June 2014
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