Brandon King (Minnesota)

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Brandon King
Image of Brandon King

Candidate, Minnesota House of Representatives District 20A

Elections and appointments
Next election

November 3, 2026

Education

High school

Atwater High School

Personal
Birthplace
Merced, Calif.
Religion
Atheist
Profession
Laborer
Contact

Brandon King (Democratic Party) is running for election to the Minnesota House of Representatives to represent District 20A. He declared candidacy for the 2026 election.[source]

King completed Ballotpedia's Candidate Connection survey in 2025. Click here to read the survey answers.

Biography

Brandon King was born in Merced, California. King earned a high school diploma from Atwater High School and attended Merced College. His career experience includes working as a laborer, trucker, and entrepreneur.[1]

Elections

2026

See also: Minnesota House of Representatives elections, 2026

Note: At this time, Ballotpedia is combining all declared candidates for this election into one list under a general election heading. As primary election dates are published, this information will be updated to separate general election candidates from primary candidates as appropriate.

General election

The general election will occur on November 3, 2026.

General election for Minnesota House of Representatives District 20A

Brandon King is running in the general election for Minnesota House of Representatives District 20A on November 3, 2026.

Candidate
Image of Brandon King
Brandon King (D) Candidate Connection

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Endorsements

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Campaign themes

2026

Ballotpedia survey responses

See also: Ballotpedia's Candidate Connection

Candidate Connection

Brandon King completed Ballotpedia's Candidate Connection survey in 2025. The survey questions appear in bold and are followed by King's responses. Candidates are asked three required questions for this survey, but they may answer additional optional questions as well.

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I’m Brandon King, a hotel janitor and former long-haul trucker running to bring a working-class voice into the Minnesota House. I’ve lived the struggles that most politicians only talk about, long hours on the road, fighting to keep a roof overhead, and rebuilding my health after years in an industry that chews people up. Those experiences shaped my belief that government must secure the basic conditions of freedom, a place to live and time to live it.

That’s why my platform is built on Space and Time, two things working people are always robbed of. My Minnesota Housing Sovereignty Act will guarantee affordable, occupant-owned housing through Sovereign Homes, modern, 3D-printed, sustainable homes that take speculation out of shelter. My Minnesota Workweek Liberation Act will shorten the workweek as automation expands, freeing Minnesotans to spend more of their lives with family, community, and creativity instead of endless grind.

I’m not a career politician. I’m someone who understands firsthand what it feels like to be trapped by rent, debt, and overwork, and I believe we can build a Minnesota where every person has the freedom to thrive.
  • We stand at a crossroads between Enlightenment and Endarkenment. The Enlightenment gave us liberty, equality, and reason, values that empower people to live with dignity. But today, the ruling class pushes a feudal Endarkenment of fear, division, and authoritarian control dressed up as “normal.” I believe Minnesota can lead by reviving Enlightenment ideals for the 21st century. That means building systems rooted in liberty, justice, and solidarity instead of exploitation and despair. The choice is stark, a future where people are free to flourish, or one where they’re trapped by debt, overwork, and corporate domination. Our campaign is about choosing Enlightenment.
  • Every Minnesotan deserves the security of a home, not the uncertainty of a landlord’s whim or Wall Street’s speculation. That’s why I’m fighting for Housing Sovereignty through the Minnesota Housing Sovereignty Act. This plan will build Sovereign Homes, modern, sustainable, 3D-printed houses that are publicly managed but individually owned by the people who live in them. These homes would take housing out of the speculative market and return it to its true purpose: shelter, stability, and freedom. When housing is secure, people can focus on living their lives, raising their families, and building their communities. Home is the foundation of liberty.
  • For too long, working people have been told that endless grind is inevitable, even as technology creates more wealth than ever before. My Minnesota Workweek Liberation Act begins reversing that. We’ll cut the workweek to 32 hours by 2031, and to 16 hours by 2040, aligning labor with automation and productivity gains. This isn’t just about shorter hours, it’s about reclaiming life. Time to rest, to create, to be with family, to dream. A future of abundance is possible if we demand it. The wealth of automation must serve the people, not just the shareholders. Work should be a choice, not a life sentence. Time is freedom, and liberation means giving Minnesotans both.
I am passionate about building what I call Liberation Infrastructure, systems designed so that their default output is Liberty. For me, that means guaranteeing the basics of freedom: secure housing, time to live, and the tools to thrive in a rapidly changing world. Policies like Housing Sovereignty and Workweek Liberation aren’t just reforms, they are structural shifts that expand people’s ability to live with dignity and purpose. I believe public policy must do more than manage crisis; it must create conditions where ordinary people are free from fear, exploitation, and precarity. Liberation is not an abstract idea, it is the infrastructure of daily life.
The list of people I look up to is long, but a few stand such as Thomas Paine, Mikhail Bakunin, Buckminster Fuller, Jacque Fresco, and Bernie Sanders. Each of them, in their own way, has shaped my political philosophy and my vision for the future.

From Thomas Paine, I take the spirit of the Enlightenment, the belief that reason, liberty, and equality can guide humanity toward a freer, more just society. He spoke truth to power in plain language, arming ordinary people with the conviction that they could shape their own destiny.

From Mikhail Bakunin, I take the lesson that liberty cannot survive without resistance to authoritarianism. He understood that freedom is not given, it is built and defended by the people themselves.

From Buckminster Fuller, I take the vision of design as a tool of liberation. He saw that technology and systems could be harnessed not for profit, but to make life better for everyone. He believed we could “do more with less” and design a world where scarcity was unnecessary.

From Jacque Fresco, I take the blueprint of a post-scarcity society, where technology and infrastructure create abundance as a baseline condition. His work showed me that politics should not only react to problems, but design solutions that make the problems obsolete.

And from Bernie Sanders, I take the example of persistence. For decades, he stood almost alone in Congress, telling the same truth that government must work for ordinary people, not billionaires. His consistency proves that integrity can withstand the tides of politics.

I seek to carry their spirit forward, reason, liberty, resistance, design, persistence. Together, they form the lineage I aspire to build upon.
The most important principle for an elected official is humility, the recognition that the office exists not to serve the ambitions of the individual, but to serve the liberty and well-being of the people. Humility allows an official to listen, to admit when they are wrong, and to place the public good above their own career. Alongside humility, integrity is essential. Minnesotans deserve leaders who will tell the truth, even when it is inconvenient, and who will act consistently with their values rather than bending to lobbyists or donor pressure.

Another core principle is courage. It is easy to go along with the way things have always been done, to bow to the entrenched power structures that benefit from the status quo. But courage means standing up against those forces when they harm ordinary people. It means being willing to risk political comfort to defend justice, equality, and freedom.

Finally, I believe an elected official must embody the principle of stewardship. The choices we make today will shape not only our present but the inheritance of future generations. From the way we manage housing to how we respond to automation, we must think in terms of decades and centuries, not just the next election cycle. A true public servant is a steward of the future as much as of the present.

Humility, integrity, courage, and stewardship, these are not abstract virtues. They are practical guides. A humble leader listens. An honest leader earns trust. A courageous leader confronts injustice. And a steward ensures that Minnesotans today, and those yet to be born, inherit a society where liberty is not just promised, but practiced.
The core responsibility of a state legislator is to safeguard the freedom and dignity of the people they represent. That means more than simply voting on bills or bringing state dollars back to the district. It means ensuring that every Minnesotan has the basic conditions of liberty, housing that cannot be taken away by speculation, time that is not consumed by endless overwork, and systems that allow people to thrive rather than barely survive.

A legislator must act as both a representative of their district and a guardian of the larger public good. Representation means listening deeply to constituents, not only to those with the loudest voices or deepest pockets, but to the workers, renters, and families who often go unheard. Guardianship means resisting the influence of moneyed interests that treat government as a tool for profit rather than a vehicle for justice.

Another responsibility is foresight. Laws are not just about today’s problems, they set the foundation for tomorrow’s possibilities. A responsible legislator must anticipate the pressures of automation, climate change, and demographic shifts, and act to shape outcomes in favor of the people rather than leaving them at the mercy of corporate or authoritarian power.

Finally, the office carries the responsibility of building trust. In an era where faith in government has been eroded, a legislator must demonstrate by action that public institutions can work for ordinary people. That trust is built through transparency, accessibility, and a commitment to outcomes that tangibly improve lives.

In short, the responsibilities of this office are not transactional, they are transformative. A state legislator’s duty is to turn the promise of democracy into lived freedom.
The legacy I hope to leave is what I call Liberation Infrastructure. My goal is to ensure that freedom is not something fragile or conditional, but something built directly into the bones of civilization itself. Too often in history, liberty has depended on who holds power in a given moment, and it has been stripped away whenever fear or greed outweighed justice. I want future generations to inherit systems designed so that their default output is liberty.

That means housing that cannot be taken away by speculation, workweeks designed to give people time to live rather than grind, and institutions that generate stability instead of crisis. Liberation Infrastructure would guarantee that tyranny never again finds fertile ground, because the structures of daily life themselves would resist it.

If I can leave behind anything, I want it to be a world where ordinary people never again experience the precarity that defined so much of my own life. I want children to grow up without fear of homelessness, without fear of poverty, without fear of losing their lives to endless labor. My legacy, if I succeed, will not be my name. It will be the lives of millions of people who never knew what it felt like to be crushed by debt, eviction, or despair, because we built a system that made freedom the default condition.
The first major historical event I remember was September 11, 2001. I was in second grade, seven years old. I remember that day with an almost surreal clarity, the teachers wheeled televisions into the classroom, and we sat there as children, watching the Twin Towers fall again and again on the news. Some of us cried; some just sat stunned. The adults were trying to make sense of it, and so were we.

It was my first encounter with the reality that history is not just something you read about in books, it’s something that explodes into your life without warning. The world shifted that day, and even as a child, I could feel it. Suddenly there was a new atmosphere of fear, suspicion, and nationalism. Policies like the PATRIOT Act were rolled out, wars were launched, and civil liberties were quietly eroded, all under the justification of security.

Looking back, I see 9/11 as both a tragedy and a turning point. It was the moment when America began sliding deeper into a politics of fear, and when the Endarkenment began to consolidate power through surveillance, endless war, and the normalization of crisis as permanent. For me, that memory reinforces why I emphasize checks and balances on emergency powers, and why I fight for liberty as the core output of government.
My very first job was flipping foreclosed homes in the aftermath of the housing collapse. I was just a teenager entering the workforce fresh out of high school, and instead of building a future, my first paycheck came from salvaging the wreckage of families who had lost everything. Ironically, my own family was among those who lost our home during the crash, so I wasn’t just witnessing the crisis, I was living it.

I did that work for about two or three years. It left an impression that has never left me, the sheer human cost of treating housing as a commodity rather than a right. I carried furniture out of houses that had once held families’ dreams, scrubbed walls where children had grown up, and watched as empty homes were cycled back into the same broken system that had created the foreclosure crisis in the first place.

That job was not just work, it was an education. It showed me that the failures of policy are not abstract. They show up in the lives of ordinary people, in the stress lines on a parent’s face, in the displacement of communities, in the erosion of stability. It taught me that when politicians deregulate banks, or look the other way as speculation runs wild, the consequences fall hardest on those least able to absorb the blow.

That early experience shaped the heart of my campaign. It’s why I fight for Housing Sovereignty. It’s why I believe liberty cannot exist without secure shelter. My first job revealed the cruelty of a system where people are treated as collateral damage. My public service is about making sure future generations never have to start their working lives cleaning up the ruins of families’ homes.
One of my favorite book series has always been The Demon Cycle by Peter V. Brett. I return to it often because it captures something profound about human nature, our relationship to fear, to power, and to community. On the surface, it’s a fantasy about demons rising from the ground at night and humanity’s struggle to survive. But underneath, it is a story about whether people will allow fear to divide and dominate them, or whether they will reclaim the courage to build a new world.

What I love about the series is how it shows ordinary people rising to extraordinary challenges. The demons are terrifying, but the real battles are often within human society itself, between those who would exploit fear to consolidate control and those who would stand together to resist. That tension resonates with our own world, where authoritarianism and corporate power thrive on fear and division.

For me, The Demon Cycle is not just entertainment. It is an allegory for the struggle between the Endarkenment and the Enlightenment. It asks whether humanity will submit to the forces that seek to cage us, or whether we will rise together and fight for freedom. Every time I read it, I come away reminded that courage is contagious, and that when people choose solidarity, they can overcome even the most overwhelming odds.
If I could be any fictional character, I suppose I would want to be who I thought Elon Musk was for much of my teens and early twenties. Back then, I believed the myth, the visionary who was using technology to push humanity forward, building sustainable infrastructure, and daring to reach for the stars. To my younger self, that figure represented the fusion of science, imagination, and ambition in service of a better future.

Over time, I learned that the reality did not match the image. The man I once admired revealed himself not as a liberator, but as another oligarch, someone who hoarded wealth and power rather than distributing them, someone who chose to use influence to undermine democracy instead of strengthen it. That disillusionment was painful, but it also clarified something important for me, the person I wanted Musk to be does not yet exist.

So if I could embody a fictional character, it would be that imagined figure, someone who uses resources and ingenuity to liberate humanity rather than dominate it. Someone who sees technology not as a tool for profit or control, but as a foundation for abundance, sustainability, and freedom. In truth, that character is not confined to fiction. It is the archetype I strive to become in my own life, a builder of Liberation Infrastructure, a steward of the future, and a leader who wields imagination not for personal gain, but for the survival and flourishing of all.
My greatest struggle has been the same one that millions of Americans face, precarity. I have lived most of my life one paycheck away from crisis, constantly balancing wages against bills, housing against health, and time against survival. Precarity is not just a personal challenge, it is a systemic one. It shapes how you think, how you plan, and even how you dream. When you are constantly under pressure to meet the basics, you learn how narrow life can feel.

For me, precarity has taken many forms. As a trucker, it meant weeks away from home, living in fear that one accident or one health issue could end my livelihood. As a janitor, it means hard physical work for modest pay, knowing that the wealth I help maintain flows upward to corporations, not to the workers who keep everything running.

These experiences were painful, but they also shaped me. They gave me empathy for everyone who lives with the same weight, and they gave me resolve to fight for a system where precarity is no longer the default. My struggle has become the root of my politics. I don’t want to manage precarity, I want to abolish it.
The ideal relationship between the governor and the state legislature is one of constructive tension rooted in mutual respect. Minnesota’s system is built on checks and balances, and that balance works best when each branch recognizes both its independence and its interdependence.

The governor is charged with leading the executive branch, setting a vision for the state, and ensuring the laws are faithfully carried out. The legislature is charged with representing the diverse voices of Minnesotans and crafting the laws that reflect their will. Ideally, this relationship should not be one of constant conflict, nor of blind deference, but of principled collaboration.

At times, the legislature must act as a check on the governor, preventing executive overreach and ensuring that policy reflects the will of the people rather than the preferences of one officeholder. At other times, the legislature must partner with the governor to move ambitious reforms forward, recognizing that real change requires both legislative action and executive leadership.

This balance depends on communication and transparency. The governor should not treat the legislature as an obstacle, and legislators should not treat the governor as an adversary. Instead, both should view each other as partners in the shared responsibility of stewarding Minnesota’s future. Disagreements are inevitable, but they must be rooted in principle rather than partisanship.

In my view, the healthiest dynamic is one where the governor sets a bold vision, the legislature debates and refines that vision, and together they deliver results for the people. The relationship should reflect the Enlightenment principle of reasoned deliberation, different perspectives, grounded in a common commitment to liberty and justice, working together to expand the freedom of all Minnesotans.
Minnesota’s greatest challenges over the next decade will come from three converging forces: the Endarkenment’s ongoing technofeudalist project, the rapid acceleration of automation, and the reality of climate change. Each of these pressures threatens to strip ordinary people of liberty if we don’t confront them directly.

The Endarkenment is not just a political mood, it is a deliberate effort by the ruling class to roll back the gains of the Enlightenment. They want to normalize precarity, surveillance, and corporate domination as the natural order of things. Left unchecked, that will mean a generation of Minnesotans raised to believe that endless rent, endless debt, and endless grind are all they can hope for.

At the same time, automation is transforming the economy. Machines and algorithms are already producing enormous wealth, but instead of freeing people, that wealth is being hoarded by the few. If we don’t legislate proactively, Minnesotans will face rising unemployment, stagnant wages, and vanishing work hours without the compensating freedom that automation should deliver.

And of course, climate change is already reshaping our state, from flooding farmland to stressing our infrastructure. The question is whether we will respond with foresight and resilience, or whether we will let denial and short-term profit leave us unprepared.

These challenges are not separate, they reinforce one another. The Endarkenment thrives on fear, automation accelerates inequality, and climate disruption deepens division. Minnesota’s future depends on rejecting fear and scarcity, and instead building what I call Liberation Infrastructure: systems that guarantee housing, time, and sustainability as the foundation of liberty.
Not at all. I have exactly zero experience in government or politics, and I believe that is a strength rather than a weakness. Too often, political “experience” simply means being trained to think and act within the narrow confines of a broken system. It means learning how to appease lobbyists, how to speak in circles, and how to advance without ever challenging the underlying structures that keep people trapped.

I come from the working class. I was a trucker, and today I am a hotel janitor. My experience is not in navigating committees, it is in living the struggles most Minnesotans know all too well. Long hours, rising bills, and the constant pressure of precarity. That perspective is exactly what is missing from our legislature.

Of course, experience in governance can provide useful skills. But skills can be learned. What cannot be faked is authenticity. When a legislator has lived the reality of ordinary Minnesotans, they don’t need pollsters to tell them what matters. They don’t need lobbyists to explain how policy affects real lives. They know it because they’ve lived it.

Career politicians may understand the machinery of government, but that machinery has been producing inequality, corruption, and disillusionment for decades. What Minnesota needs now is not more of the same, it needs people willing to disrupt that machinery and rebuild it in service of liberty. My lack of political experience is not a liability; it is a guarantee that my loyalties lie with the people, not the system.
Yes and no. Personally, I hope to cultivate good relationships with other legislators. Collaboration makes it possible to advance bold ideas faster, and respect across the aisle can help lower the temperature of our politics. Building coalitions is often how real progress is made.

But at the end of the day, my mission is not to be liked by colleagues at the Capitol, it is to liberate the working class. If building relationships means compromising away the core of that mission, then I am prepared to stand alone. I have no problem going to the mattresses if that’s what it takes. When I push for Sovereign Homes or for a shorter workweek, and another legislator tells me we can’t afford it, my response will be to put the onus back on them. Why should Minnesotans pay half a million dollars over a lifetime to parasites in the landlord and banking class, when we can provide actual material freedom for under $100,000 through publicly managed, occupant-owned housing? Why should families sacrifice their lives to endless labor, when automation makes abundance possible?

Too often, “building relationships” becomes code for watering down the bold changes ordinary people need. I reject that. Relationships matter when they are rooted in mutual commitment to the public good. But I will not let personal comfort in the Capitol outweigh the discomfort of the people outside it. If that makes me a difficult colleague but a faithful servant of the people, then I will gladly accept that trade.
I look to Eugene Debs and Bernie Sanders as the figures who most closely reflect the spirit I want to carry into office. Debs taught us that the role of a public servant is not to rise above the working class, but to stand with them, unapologetically, even when the full force of the establishment comes down against you. He ran for president from a prison cell because he refused to compromise his principles, and that willingness to endure personal cost in the name of solidarity is the kind of courage politics demands today.

Bernie Sanders embodies that same spirit in our own time. For decades he was dismissed as a fringe voice, and yet by sticking to his values, he shifted the political landscape of an entire generation. He has shown that consistency, honesty, and a refusal to play by the shallow rules of political branding can move millions of people.

What I take from both men is not just policy inspiration, but a way of doing politics. They remind us that the measure of a leader is not how many friends they have in the halls of power, but how faithfully they represent those who have been denied power. They remind us that politics at its best is not a career, but an act of service and struggle.

I do not intend to be a copy of anyone, I am my own person, with my own philosophy rooted in Enlightenment Socialism. But like Debs and Sanders, I am committed to building movements that outlast me, movements that carry ordinary people forward even when the system resists. If I can embody even a fraction of their courage and clarity, I will consider my service honorable.
Yes. I am running for the Minnesota State House as the first step in a long-term commitment to public service. My vision is not confined to one office or one cycle. I believe the challenges we face, housing insecurity, automation, climate change, and the rise of authoritarianism, require leaders willing to think in decades, not just election seasons.

In that spirit, I intend to throw my hat in the ring for the Presidency of the United States in 2036. That may sound audacious, but to me it is simply a continuation of the same mission I am beginning here in Minnesota: to build Liberation Infrastructure that secures housing, time, and freedom for every person. The Presidency offers a platform to put those ideas into practice at a national level, and to lead the country toward a post-scarcity future rooted in Enlightenment principles.

Between now and then, my focus is on serving Minnesotans faithfully, proving that bold ideas can be turned into concrete policy, and demonstrating that politics can be about more than crisis management, it can be about creating the conditions of liberty. If the people trust me with higher office in the years ahead, I will accept that responsibility with humility and determination.

I am not interested in office for its own sake. My ambition is not personal, it is civilizational. Every role I pursue will be guided by a single question: how can I best contribute to the liberation of ordinary people and the survival of humanity through the crises ahead? If the answer one day points me toward the Presidency, I will be ready.
Absolutely. Even the most extreme emergency powers must be buttressed by checks and balances. Emergencies are, by definition, moments of heightened fear and uncertainty. Those are precisely the conditions under which democracy is most vulnerable to being sidelined. While swift action may be necessary in a crisis, that action must always remain accountable to the people through their elected representatives.

I believe the governor should have the authority to act quickly in the opening hours or days of a crisis, whether it’s a natural disaster, a pandemic, or a security threat, but continued use of extraordinary powers should require legislative approval. That ensures that no single officeholder can unilaterally decide the fate of millions without oversight.

The legislature, as the body closest to the people, must be a co-equal partner in determining how long emergency powers are maintained, how broadly they are applied, and when they are lifted. This doesn’t mean hamstringing the executive branch. It means reinforcing that liberty and security are not opposites, they must be pursued together.

Unchecked power, even in an emergency, risks becoming normalized. History shows us how quickly temporary measures can become permanent if not carefully constrained. A system of legislative oversight ensures that emergency actions remain temporary, proportionate, and in service of the people rather than of authority itself.
The first bill I would introduce is the Minnesota Housing Sovereignty Act, my flagship proposal. Housing is the foundation of liberty, and right now too many Minnesotans are trapped by rising rents, endless mortgages, and the whims of landlords and banks. We treat housing as a commodity, when in truth it is a human necessity, the base upon which every other freedom rests.

The Housing Sovereignty Act would establish Sovereign Homes, publicly managed, occupant-owned, 3D-printed, Earthship inspired sustainable off-grid capable housing designed to end the cycle of speculation and precarity. These homes would not be rentals in the traditional sense. They would belong to the people who live in them, secured against displacement, and insulated from the distortions of Wall Street investment firms and absentee landlords.

By removing housing from the speculative market, we would slash lifetime housing costs. Instead of families paying half a million dollars over decades to private parasites, they would pay under $100,000 total for actual material freedom. This is not just about affordability, it’s about sovereignty. It’s about ensuring every Minnesotan has a stable foundation on which to build their lives.

Passing the Housing Sovereignty Act would mean no family ever has to choose between rent and groceries, no young couple has to delay starting a life together because they can’t afford a home, and no elder has to fear eviction in their final years. It would mean Minnesota leading the nation in declaring that liberty begins at home.
Absolutely, it would be good. In fact, it is essential. A state ballot initiative process is a direct extension of democracy, a mechanism for the people themselves to legislate when representatives prove unwilling or unable to act. What are we here for, if not to represent the will of the people?

Minnesotans deserve more than a government that listens selectively; they deserve one that allows their collective voice to directly shape the law. Ballot initiatives provide a check on the legislature, ensuring that deeply popular reforms cannot be permanently blocked by partisan gridlock, corporate influence, or entrenched interests.

Critics often argue that initiatives can be hijacked by special interests with money to spend. That risk is real, but it already exists in our current system, where lobbyists and donors hold enormous sway over legislators. The solution is not to deny the people a voice, but to build transparency and fairness into the process, clear rules for signatures, campaign finance limits, and accessible ballot language.

A ballot initiative process empowers citizens to put urgent issues, like housing, healthcare, or climate action, directly before voters. It keeps democracy alive by making sure the legislature is not the sole gatekeeper of change.

I trust Minnesotans. I believe that given the tools, they will choose policies that expand liberty and dignity. Ballot initiatives are not a threat to representative government; they are its safeguard, ensuring that ultimate power rests where it should: with the people themselves.
Elections are the heartbeat of a free society, and if that heartbeat weakens, liberty itself falters. In an age when the Endarkenment thrives on distrust, disinformation, and deliberate efforts to suppress the vote, Minnesota must do the opposite: strengthen transparency, expand access, and make the act of voting as seamless as possible.

If elected, I would push for legislation that guarantees universal access to the ballot. That means automatic voter registration at age 18, same-day registration, and no-excuse absentee voting as a permanent right. It also means ensuring every community, urban, rural, and tribal, has polling places that are accessible, adequately staffed, and open long enough to serve every voter without forcing them to wait in hours-long lines.

I would also support secure, publicly funded upgrades to our voting systems to guarantee both integrity and trust. Democracy cannot be outsourced to private contractors with opaque software; Minnesotans deserve a voting system that is transparent, verifiable, and accountable to the public.

Finally, I would back legislation that makes Election Day a state holiday, paid if possible, because no one should have to choose between earning a paycheck and exercising their most basic democratic right.

The principle is simple, when more people vote, democracy works better. When fewer people vote, power consolidates in the hands of the few. Election administration should not be about gatekeeping, it should be about guaranteeing that every eligible Minnesotan has the opportunity to be heard. A system that produces Liberty as its default output must begin with a ballot that is open, secure, and truly accessible to all.

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Footnotes

  1. Information submitted to Ballotpedia through the Candidate Connection survey on September 3, 2025


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District 54A
District 54B
District 55A
District 55B
District 56A
District 56B
John Huot (D)
District 57A
District 57B
District 58A
District 58B
District 59A
Fue Lee (D)
District 59B
District 60A
District 60B
District 61A
District 61B
District 62A
District 62B
District 63A
District 63B
District 64A
Vacant
District 64B
District 65A
District 65B
District 66A
District 66B
District 67A
Liz Lee (D)
District 67B
Jay Xiong (D)
Republican Party (67)
Democratic Party (65)
Vacancies (2)