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Redistricting in Louisiana after the 2020 census

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Redistricting

State legislative and congressional redistricting after the 2020 census

General information
State-by-state redistricting proceduresMajority-minority districtsGerrymandering
The 2020 cycle
United States census, 2020Congressional apportionmentRedistricting committeesDeadlines2022 House elections with multiple incumbentsNew U.S.House districts created after apportionmentCongressional mapsState legislative mapsLawsuitsStatus of redistricting after the 2020 census
Redrawn maps
Redistricting before 2024 electionsRedistricting before 2026 elections
Ballotpedia's Election Administration Legislation Tracker



BP-Initials-UPDATED.png Redistricting is the process of enacting new district boundaries for elected offices, particularly for offices in the U.S. House of Representatives and state legislatures. This article chronicles the 2020 redistricting cycle in Louisiana.



The districts from which Louisiana's U.S. representatives and state legislators are elected are redrawn every 10 years following completion of the census. Federal law stipulates that districts must have nearly equal populations and must not discriminate on the basis of race or ethnicity.

Congressional districts
Litigation over congressional redistricting in Louisiana after the 2020 census is ongoing.

A group of voters filed a lawsuit on January 31, 2024, arguing that the 2024 map containing a second majority-Black congressional district was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander and over-represents Black voters. On April 30, 2024, the district court agreed and enjoined the map's use in future elections. The state said it was "stuck in an endless game of ping-pong," having drawn the 2024 map after a federal district court struck down a 2022 version containing one majority-Black congressional district as a likely violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, which prevents the denial or limitation of voting rights based on race. The Supreme Court heard oral arguments on March 24, 2025.[1] On June 27, 2025, the Court scheduled the case for reargument in its next term, set to begin in October 2025.[2]

Click here for more information about the congressional maps enacted in Louisiana after the 2020 census.

Legislative districts
Litigation over state legislative redistricting in Louisiana after the 2020 census is ongoing.

A group of voters filed a lawsuit on March 14, 2022, arguing that the state legislative map drawn after the 2020 census violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act by diluting Black votes. On February 8, 2024, the district court agreed and ordered the state to draw a new state legislative map. The state appealed the case to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, which heard oral argument on January 7, 2025.[3]

Click here for more information about the state legislative maps enacted in Louisiana after the 2020 census..


See the sections below for further information on the following topics:

  1. Summary: This section provides summary information about the drafting and enacting processes.
  2. Enactment: This section provides information about the enacted congressional and state legislative district maps.
  3. Drafting process: This section details the drafting process for new congressional and state legislative district maps.
  4. Apportionment and release of census data: This section details the 2020 apportionment process, including data from the U.S. Census Bureau.
  5. Court challenges: This section details court challenges to the enacted congressional and state legislative district maps.
  6. Background: This section summarizes federal and state-based requirements for redistricting at both the congressional and state legislative levels. A summary of the 2010 redistricting cycle in Louisiana is also provided.

Summary

This section lists major events in the post-2020 census redistricting cycle in reverse chronological order. Major events include the release of apportionment data, the release of census population data, the introduction of formal map proposals, the enactment of new maps, and noteworthy court challenges. Click the dates below for additional information.


Enactment

Enacted congressional district maps

See also: Congressional district maps implemented after the 2020 census

Congressional map enacted in 2024

Litigation over congressional redistricting in Louisiana after the 2020 census is ongoing.

On June 27, 2025, the U.S. Supreme Court scheduled Louisiana v. Callais for reargument in its next term.[4] In August 2025, the Court scheduled arguments for October 15, 2025.[5]

The Court first heard oral arguments in the case on March 24, 2025.[6] On November 4, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear Louisiana v. Callais (formerly Callais v. Landry) consolidated with Robinson v. Callais — two appeals from the U.S. District Court for Western Louisiana decision that struck down the state's new congressional map. The Court noted probable jurisdiction and allotted one hour for oral argument.[7][8]

On May 15, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court blocked an April 30 ruling by the U.S. District Court for Western Louisiana striking down the state's congressional map. As a result, the map was used for Louisiana’s 2024 congressional elections.[9] According to ScotusBlog,

In a brief unsigned order the justices blocked a ruling by a federal court that had barred the state from using the new map on the ground that legislators had relied too heavily on race when they drew it earlier this year. The order cited an election doctrine known as the Purcell principle – the idea that courts should not change election rules during the period just before an election because of the confusion that it will cause for voters and the problems that doing so could cause for election officials. The lower court’s order will remain on hold, the court indicated, while an appeal to the Supreme Court moves forward.[9][10]


Gov. Jeff Landry signed the congressional map into law on January 22 after a special legislative session. The state House of Representatives voted 86-16 and the state Senate voted 27-11 to adopt this congressional map on January 19.[11][12]

According to NPR, "Under the new map, Louisiana's 2nd District, which encompasses much of New Orleans and surrounding areas, will have a Black population of about 53%. Democratic U.S. Rep. Troy Carter represents that district, which has been Louisiana's only majority-Black district for several years. Louisiana's 6th District now stretches from parts of Shreveport to Baton Rouge and will have a Black population of about 56%."[13]

On November 10, 2023, a three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals vacated a 2022 injunction that blocked the implementation of Louisiana’s congressional district maps, for violating the Voting Rights Act by diluting the power of African American voters. The court also issued a deadline for the state to enact new maps for the 2024 election cycle.[14] On November 30, 2023, the U.S. District Court for Middle Louisiana extended the deadline for the creation of new maps that comply with the Voting Rights Act to January 30, 2024.[15] Gov. Jeff Landry called a special session of the Louisiana state legislature on January 15, 2024 — days after he assumed office on January 8 — to draw new maps in compliance with the court's order.[16]

Reactions to 2024 congressional map

After signing Louisiana's new congressional map into law on January 22, 2024, Gov. Landry wrote in a statement on X, "I just signed SB 8, HB 16, and HB 17 into law ... Today, we began the process of necessary structural change to our election system, allowing for a cleaner and simpler final ballot, and we took the pen out of the hand of a non-elected judge and placed it in the hands of the people."[17]

According to the Louisiana Illuminator, a group of voters filed a lawsuit on February 1, 2024, to challenge Louisiana's new congressional map. The voters alleged that the additional majority-Black district created by the map violated their rights and wrote, "The State has engaged in explicit, racial segregation of voters and intentional discrimination against voters based on race ... The State has drawn lines between neighbors and divided communities. In most cases, the lines separate African American and non- African American voters from their communities and assign them to Districts with dominating populations far away."[18]

Below are the congressional maps in effect before and after the 2020 redistricting cycle.

Louisiana Congressional Districts
before 2020 redistricting cycle

Click a district to compare boundaries.

Louisiana Congressional Districts
after 2020 redistricting cycle

Click a district to compare boundaries.


Congressional map enacted in 2022

On June 26, 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court dismissed Louisiana Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin's (R) appeal of a federal district court decision that held that Louisiana's congressional district map should include an additional majority-minority district.[19] The Supreme Court also lifted an earlier stay of the federal court's ruling and allowed the case to proceed before the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.[19] The court's order said, "This will allow the matter to proceed before the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit for review in the ordinary course and in advance of the 2024 congressional elections in Louisiana."[19]

In June 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court had stayed the federal district court ruling that struck down Louisiana's congressional district boundaries. It also granted certiorari in the case and held it in abeyance pending the court's decision in Milligan v. Merrill, which also involved a challenge to a redistricting map under the Voting Rights Act.[20] This stay meant that the map adopted by the legislature in March 2022 was used for the 2022 elections.[20]

On June 9, 2022, the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit issued an administrative stay of the district court's ruling pending further proceedings, and on June 12, 2022, that same court vacated that stay and denied the motions to stay the district court's decision pending appeal.[21][22]

The United States District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana struck down the state's congressional map on June 6, 2022, and enjoined the state from using the districts for the 2022 elections. The court's ruling said, "The appropriate remedy in this context is a remedial congressional redistricting plan that includes an additional majority-Black congressional district."[23] Louisiana had enacted a new congressional map on March 30, 2022, when the legislature overrode Gov. John Bel Edwards’ (D) veto of legislation establishing the new districts.

The state Senate had voted to override the congressional map, 27-11, with all ‘yes’ votes from Republicans and all ‘no’ votes from Democrats.[24] The state House of Representatives overrode Edwards’ veto 72-32 with 68 Republicans, three independents, and one Democrat voting in favor and all votes against by Democrats.[25] On March 9, 2022, Gov. Edwards had vetoed the congressional district map that the legislature had passed on February 18, 2022.

Reactions to 2022 congressional map

During the legislature's debate on the congressional map in February 2022, State Rep. Royce Duplessis (D) stated his concerns about the proposal, saying, "This map does not conform with the Voting Rights Act. This bill falls short for so many reasons from the lens of fairness."[26] During the legislature's vote to override Gov. Edwards' veto of the boundaries, Sen. Sharon Hewitt (R) stated that she didn't think the state was required to have two majority-Black districts, saying, "Unfortunately, this is not something that you can do based on emotion, we have to follow the federal and the state laws. I hear again and again that a third of our population is Black — I hear that — but it does matter where people live."[27]

After the legislature's override vote, House Speaker Clay Schexnayder (R) issued a statement that said, in part, "Today, the overwhelming will of the Legislature was heard. House Bill 1 fulfills our constitutionally mandated duty to redistrict Congress. It also shows true legislative independence and a clear separation of power from the executive branch."[28]In remarks made after the legislature overrode his veto of the map, Gov. Edwards said, "I can't imagine there is a more compelling case for the courts to look at and to overturn than in Louisiana. It's not even close. I happen to believe it's a very clear case of violating the Voting Rights Act."[28]

Edwards’ veto statement said, in part, "I have vetoed the proposed congressional map drawn by Louisiana’s Legislature because it does not include a second majority African American district, despite Black voters making up almost a third of Louisianans per the latest U.S. Census data. This map is simply not fair to the people of Louisiana and does not meet the standards set forth in the federal Voting Rights Act."[29]

Tyler Bridges, Sam Karlin, and Blake Paterson wrote in The Advocate that, "Louisiana this fall will have five congressional districts favored to elect Republicans, while Democrats will have one – unless federal courts rule that the new map violates the 1965 Voting Rights Act and mandate new boundaries."[30] They also reported that, "It was the first time a governor suffered a veto override against their wishes in 31 years."[30] Greg Hilburn wrote in the Lafayette Daily Advertiser that "Veto overrides are rare in Louisiana, happening only three times including Wednesday's vote since the current state Constitution was enacted in 1973."[28]

2020 presidential results using the 2022 congressional map

The table below details the results of the 2020 presidential election in each district at the time of the 2022 election and its political predecessor district.[31] This data was compiled by Daily Kos Elections.[32]

2020 presidential results by Congressional district, Louisiana
District 2022 district Political predecessor district
Joe Biden Democratic Party Donald Trump Republican Party Joe Biden Democratic Party Donald Trump Republican Party
Louisiana's 1st 29.6% 68.5% 30.1% 68.0%
Louisiana's 2nd 75.4% 22.9% 75.3% 23.0%
Louisiana's 3rd 30.3% 68.0% 30.2% 68.1%
Louisiana's 4th 37.2% 61.3% 37.0% 61.5%
Louisiana's 5th 34.4% 64.1% 34.1% 64.5%
Louisiana's 6th 33.9% 64.3% 34.4% 63.8%

Enacted state legislative district maps

See also: State legislative district maps implemented after the 2020 census

Litigation over state legislative redistricting in Louisiana after the 2020 census is ongoing.

On February 19, 2024, the state appealed a U.S. District Court for Middle Louisiana decision that struck down the state's legislative maps.[33]

The lower court's February 8, 2024, ruling found the state's legislative maps to be in violation of the Voting Rights Act.[34][35] According to the ruling, the court found the following:

[T]he Enacted State House and Senate Maps crack or pack large and geographically compact minority populations such as Black voters in the challenged districts 'have less opportunity than other members of the electorate to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice,' and the Illustrative Plan offered by the Plaintiffs show that additional opportunity districts can be 'reasonable configured.'[35][10]


The legislative maps that both chambers passed during a special legislative session in February 2022 became law 20 days after their passage as Gov. John Bel Edwards (D) neither signed not vetoed the redistricting plans. The legislative redistricting plan passed the state Senate, 25-11, with all votes in favor by Republicans and 10 Democrats and one Republican voting against. The state House of Representatives approved it by a 82-21 vote with 68 Republicans, 12 Democrats, and two independents voting in favor and 20 Democrats and one independent voting against.[36][37] After the legislature voted on the maps, Tyler Bridges wrote in The Advocate, "Without much fuss, the Republican-controlled Legislature...approved new district boundaries for the state House and Senate that would maintain GOP legislative dominance for the next decade."[38]

Edwards announced on March 9, 2022, that he would not act on the legislative boundaries, releasing a statement that said, in part, "While neither the congressional or legislative maps passed by Louisiana’s Legislature do anything to increase the number of districts where minority voters can elect candidates of their choosing, I do not believe the Legislature has the ability to draw new state House and Senate maps during this upcoming legislative session without the process halting the important work of the state of Louisiana. At a time when we face unprecedented challenges, but have unprecedented opportunities to make historic investments in our future, the Legislature should be focused on the issues in the upcoming session and not concerned about what their own districts will look like in the 2023 elections."[39]

These maps took effect for Louisiana’s 2023 legislative elections.

Reactions to 2022 state legislative maps

After the Louisiana House of Representatives approved new district boundaries in 2022, House and Governmental Affairs Committee chair Rep. John Stefanski (R) said of the plan, "I think it is fair and legal and represents Louisiana.”[40] Tyler Bridges of The Advocate reported that after the legislature approved the new state House and Senate boundaries, the "American Civil Liberties Union, ACLU Louisiana, and the NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund called on the governor to veto both maps, saying they don't comply with the 1965 Voting Rights Act."[41]

State Senate map

Below is the state Senate map in effect before and after the 2020 redistricting cycle.

Louisiana State Senate Districts
until January 7, 2024

Click a district to compare boundaries.

Louisiana State Senate Districts
starting January 8, 2024

Click a district to compare boundaries.

State House map

Below is the state House map in effect before and after the 2020 redistricting cycle.

Louisiana State House Districts
until January 7, 2024

Click a district to compare boundaries.

Louisiana State House Districts
starting January 8, 2024

Click a district to compare boundaries.


Drafting process

In Louisiana, both congressional and state legislative districts are drawn by the state legislature. These lines are subject to veto by the governor. In the event that the legislature is unable to approve state legislative district boundaries, the state supreme court must draw the lines. There is no such practice that applies to congressional districts.[42]

The state legislature has adopted guidelines for redistricting. These guidelines suggest that both congressional and state legislative districts be contiguous and "respect recognized political boundaries and the natural geography of the state to the extent practicable." These guidelines are non-binding; as such, the legislature may alter them at its discretion.[42]

Timeline of 2022 map adoption

The House Committee on House and Governmental Affairs and the Senate Committee on Senate and Governmental Affairs announced they would hold a series of joint meetings throughout the state from October 2021 through January 2022 where citizens could make suggestions and recommendations regarding redistricting.[43]

The Louisiana legislature opened a special session addressing redistricting on February 1, 2022, that was scheduled to last three weeks.[44]

Redistricting committees and/or commissions in 2022

The Louisiana Senate & Governmental Affairs Committee was composed of the following members:[45]

Senate & Governmental Affairs Committee members, 2020 cycle
Name Partisan affiliation
State Sen. Sharon Hewitt Chair Republican Party Republican
State Sen. Barry Milligan Vice Chair Republican Party Republican
State Sen. R. L. Bret Allain II Republican Party Republican
State Sen. Franklin Foil Republican Party Republican
State Sen. Ed Price Democratic Party Democratic
State Sen. Gregory Tarver Democratic Party Democratic
State Sen. Glen Womack Republican Party Republican


The Louisiana House & Governmental Affairs Committee was composed of the following members:[46]

House & Governmental Affairs Committee members, 2020 cycle
Name Partisan affiliation
State Rep. John Stefanski Chair Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Royce Duplessis Vice Chair Democratic Party Democratic
State Rep. Beau Beaullieu Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Wilford Carter Democratic Party Democratic
State Rep. Daryl Deshotel Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Les Farnum Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Foy Gadberry Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Dodie Horton Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Barry Ivey Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Sam Jenkins Democratic Party Democratic
State Rep. Mike Johnson Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Jeremy LaCombe Democratic Party Democratic
State Rep. Rodney Lyons Democratic Party Democratic
State Rep. Tanner Magee Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Candace Newell Democratic Party Democratic
State Rep. Polly Thomas Republican Party Republican
State Rep. Malinda White Grey.png Independent
State Rep. Clay Schexnayder Republican Party Republican

Drafts and proposals

Congressional district maps

On November 10, 2023, a three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals vacated a 2022 injunction that blocked the implementation of Louisiana’s congressional district maps for violating the Voting Rights Act by diluting the power of African American voters.[47] The court also issued a deadline of January 15 for the state to enact new maps for the 2024 election cycle.[48]

The Louisiana State Legislature approved identical congressional redistricting proposals on February 18, 2022, sending them to Gov. John Bel Edwards (D). According to Blake Paterson of The Advocate, "Republicans passed two identical maps — Senate Bill 5 and House Bill 1 — that would maintain the status quo of a single majority-Black district and would all but guarantee Louisiana sends five Republicans and one Democrat to the U.S. House of Representatives in the congressional midterms this fall."[49]

On March 9, 2022, Gov. Edwards vetoed the congressional district map and released a statement which said, in part, "I have vetoed the proposed congressional map drawn by Louisiana’s Legislature because it does not include a second majority African American district, despite Black voters making up almost a third of Louisianans per the latest U.S. Census data. This map is simply not fair to the people of Louisiana and does not meet the standards set forth in the federal Voting Rights Act."[50]

The congressional redistricting bill passed the state Senate, 27-10, strictly along party lines. The state House of Representatives approved it by a 64-31 vote with 61 Republicans, two independents, and one Democrat voting in favor and 27 Democrats, three Republicans, and one independent voting against.[51][52]

After the legislature approved the maps, Gov. Edwards released a statement which said in part, "I will closely review the new district maps Louisiana’s Legislature has passed before making a decision on how to proceed. I remain adamant that the maps should reflect the growth of the African American population in our state over the last 10 years, allowing for minority groups to have an opportunity at electing candidates of their own choosing, and I do have concerns that several of the maps do not fulfill that moral and legal requirement. I thank the Legislature for the time and attention paid to these maps and for the sometimes emotional and difficult debate leading up to their passage. I pledge to the people of Louisiana to very carefully examine them in order to determine if I believe they are reasonable, fair, and in line with the Voting Rights Act."[53]

Map images

Louisiana approved congressional map Feb 18 2022.png

Below is a link to the full legislation, which includes statistical data and detailed, precinct-level maps:
Louisiana State Legislature - HB1

Legislative district maps

The legislature approved new district boundaries for the state Senate and House of Representatives on February 18, 2022. The legislative redistricting plan passed the state Senate, 25-11, with all votes in favor by Republicans and 10 Democrats and one Republican voting against. The state House of Representatives approved it by a 82-21 vote with 68 Republicans, 12 Democrats, and two independents voting in favor and 20 Democrats and one independent voting against.[54][55] Tyler Bridges wrote in The Advocate, "Without much fuss, the Republican-controlled Legislature on Friday approved new district boundaries for the state House and Senate that would maintain GOP legislative dominance for the next decade."[38]

Bridges said, "The new Senate map shifts the district currently represented by Sen. Barrow Peacock, R-Shreveport, to an area north of Lake Pontchartrain. It also establishes the same number of Black-majority districts, 11, as approved a decade ago."[38] Regarding the state House map, the "boundaries retain the same number of Black-majority districts, 29, that lawmakers drew 10 years ago. It also is expected to allow Republicans to keep their overwhelming advantage. The current House has 68 Republicans, 34 Democrats and three no-party members."

On March 9, 2022, Gov. John Bel Edwards (D) said he would neither sign nor veto the legislative maps, thus allowing them to become law without his signature. He released a statement which said, in part, "While neither the congressional or legislative maps passed by Louisiana’s Legislature do anything to increase the number of districts where minority voters can elect candidates of their choosing, I do not believe the Legislature has the ability to draw new state House and Senate maps during this upcoming legislative session without the process halting the important work of the state of Louisiana. At a time when we face unprecedented challenges, but have unprecedented opportunities to make historic investments in our future, the Legislature should be focused on the issues in the upcoming session and not concerned about what their own districts will look like in the 2023 elections."[56][38]

Map images

Louisiana approved state Senate map Feb 18 2022.png

Below is a link to the full legislation, which includes statistical data and detailed, precinct-level maps:
Louisiana State Legislature - SB1

Louisiana approved state House map Feb 18 2022.png

Below is a link to the full legislation, which includes statistical data and detailed, precinct-level maps:
Louisiana State Legislature - HB14

Criteria

On June 10, 2021, the Speaker of the Louisiana House of Representatives and the President of the Louisiana State Senate signed HCR90, a concurrent resolution outlining the "minimally acceptable criteria for consideration of redistricting plans." These criteria are listed in this document.[57]

A concurrent resolution "can be used to express legislative intent, authorize certain suits, adopt or change joint rules of the legislature, memorialize Congress, and request or direct a state agency to take a specified action."[58]

Apportionment and release of census data

Apportionment is the process by which representation in a legislative body is distributed among its constituents. The number of seats in the United States House of Representatives is fixed at 435. The United States Constitution dictates that districts be redrawn every 10 years to ensure equal populations between districts. Every ten years, upon completion of the United States census, reapportionment occurs.[59]

Apportionment following the 2020 census

The U.S. Census Bureau delivered apportionment counts on April 26, 2021. Louisiana was apportioned six seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. This represented neither a gain nor a loss of seats as compared to apportionment after the 2010 census.[60]

See the table below for additional details.

2020 and 2010 census information for Louisiana
State 2010 census 2020 census 2010-2020
Population U.S. House seats Population U.S. House seats Raw change in population Percentage change in population Change in U.S. House seats
Louisiana 4,553,962 6 4,661,468 6 107,506 2.36% 0


Redistricting data from the Census Bureau

On February 12, 2021, the Census Bureau announced that it would deliver redistricting data to the states by September 30, 2021. On March 15, 2021, the Census Bureau released a statement indicating it would make redistricting data available to the states in a legacy format in mid-to-late August 2021. A legacy format presents the data in raw form, without data tables and other access tools. On May 25, 2021, Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost (R) announced that the state had reached a settlement agreement with the Census Bureau in its lawsuit over the Census Bureau's timetable for delivering redistricting data. Under the terms of the settlement, the Census Bureau agreed to deliver redistricting data, in a legacy format, by August 16, 2021.[61][62][63][64] The Census Bureau released the 2020 redistricting data in a legacy format on August 12, 2021, and in an easier-to-use format at data.census.gov on September 16, 2021.[65][66]

Court challenges

If you are aware of any relevant lawsuits that are not listed here, please email us at editor@ballotpedia.org. The events below are listed in reverse chronological order.

Louisiana v. Callais

The U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear Louisiana v. Callais (formerly Callais v. Landry) consolidated with Robinson v. Callais — two appeals from the U.S. District Court for Western Louisiana decision that struck down the state's new congressional map. The Court noted probable jurisdiction and allotted one hour for oral argument.[7][8] The Court heard oral argument on March 24, 2025, and on June 27, 2025, it scheduled the case for reargument in the fall of 2025.[67]

Callais v. Landry

The U.S. District Court for Western Louisiana struck down the state's new congressional map on April 30, 2024, and scheduled a hearing for May 6, to determine which maps should be used for the 2024 elections. A coalition of Louisiana voters filed the lawsuit in January after the new congressional map was adopted in a special legislative session. The lawsuit argued that the map was a racial gerrymander in violation of the Fourteenth Amendment.[68]

As Judges David Joseph and Robert Summerhays wrote in their majority opinion:

The predominate role of race in the State's decisions is reflected in the statements of legislative decision-makers, the division of cities and parishes along racial lines, the unusual shape of the district, and the evidence that the contours of the district were drawn to absorb sufficient numbers of Black-majority neighborhoods to achieve the goal of a functioning majority-Black district.[69][10]

Nairne v. Ardoin

On August 14, 2025, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the district court's ruling that struck down the state's legislative maps and declared them to be in violation of the Voting Rights Act.[70] The drawing of new maps was stayed pending the U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in Callais v. Landry.[71]

On February 8, 2024, the U.S. District Court for Middle Louisiana struck down the state's legislative maps and declared them to be in violation of the Voting Rights Act. [34][35] According to the ruling, the court found the following:

[T]he Enacted State House and Senate Maps crack or pack large and geographically compact minority populations such as Black voters in the challenged districts 'have less opportunity than other members of the electorate to participate in the political process and to elect representatives of their choice,' and the Illustrative Plan offered by the Plaintiffs show that additional opportunity districts can be 'reasonable configured.'[35][10]

The U.S. District Court for Middle Louisiana heard the case in a seven-day non-jury trial that began on November 27, 2023. The plaintiffs, who were identified as a group of Black voters and two nonprofit organizations, alleged that the redistricting maps adopted in 2022 for Louisiana's State House and State Senate districts diluted the voting power of Black Louisianans.[35]


Robinson v. Ardoin

Federal court extends deadline for state to draw new maps

On November 30, 2023, the U.S. District Court for Middle Louisiana extended the deadline for the creation of new maps that comply with the Voting Rights Act from January 15 to January 30, 2024. The Louisiana state legislature had until the extended deadline to create new maps to avoid a district court trial ahead of the 2024 elections.[15]

Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals lifts injunction and issues deadline for new maps

On November 10, 2023, a three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals vacated a 2022 injunction that blocked the implementation of Louisiana’s congressional district maps for violating the Voting Rights Act by diluting the power of Black voters.[72] The court also issued a deadline of January 15 for the state to enact new maps for the 2024 election cycle, saying, "The district court did not clearly err ... in its conclusions that the Plaintiffs were likely to succeed on their claim that there was a violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act in the Legislature’s planned redistricting. Nevertheless, the district court’s 2022 preliminary injunction, issued with the urgency of establishing a map for the 2022 elections, is no longer necessary."[73]

U.S. Supreme Court denies request for emergency relief

On October 19, 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court denied a request to pause and reverse a ruling from the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. The Circuit Court ruling put a lower court's attempt to begin drafting a new congressional district map.[74] Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson wrote in her concurrence with the order that “nothing in our decision not to summarily reverse the Fifth Circuit should be taken to endorse the practice of issuing an extraordinary writ of mandamus in these or similar circumstances.”[75]

U.S. Supreme Court lifts stay

On June 26, 2023, the U.S. Supreme Court dismissed Louisiana Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin's (R) appeal of a federal district court decision that held that Louisiana's congressional district map should include an additional majority-minority district.[19] The Supreme Court also lifted an earlier stay of the federal court's ruling and allowed the case to proceed before the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.[19] The court's order said, "This will allow the matter to proceed before the Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit for review in the ordinary course and in advance of the 2024 congressional elections in Louisiana."[19]

U.S. Supreme Court stays district court ruling

On June 28, 2022, the U.S. Supreme Court stayed the United States District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana's ruling that struck down the congressional district boundaries. It also granted certiorari in the case and held it in abeyance pending the court's decision in Milligan v. Merrill, which also involved a challenge to a redistricting map under the Voting Rights Act.[20] This stay meant that the map adopted by the legislature in March 2022 was used for the 2022 elections.[20]

Special legislative session does not produce new congressional map

The Louisiana legislature adjourned a second special redistricting session on June 18, 2022, without approving revised congressional district boundaries.[76] Gov. Edwards (D) called the special session on June 7, 2022, which began on June 15 and was scheduled to end on June 20.[77] After the session adjourned, State Sen. Rick Ward (R) said, "The problem I've run into is that we can't find anything collectively that can get us to 20 votes. It's a difficult task, one quite frankly that I think the courts will have to decide."[76]

Secretary of State, Attorney General appeal to SCOTUS

On June 17, 2022, Louisiana Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin (R) and Louisiana Attorney General Jeff Landry (R) asked the Supreme Court of the United States to stay the federal district court's decision overturning the state's congressional map pending appeal and petitioned the court to hear the case.[78] The plaintiff's appeal said, "If Section 2 [of the Voting Rights Act] does not require creating a gerrymandered second majority-Black district, Louisiana’s entire electorate suffers an irreversible Fourteenth Amendment violation when they next cast their ballots for their congressional representatives...Given the risk to the public that would arise without a stay, entering one far outweighs any burden Plaintiffs may claim."[78]

Federal appeals court denies motions to stay district court decision pending appeal

On June 9, 2022, the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit issued an administrative stay of the district court's ruling pending further proceedings.[79] On June 12, 2022, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals vacated that stay and denied motions to stay the district court's decision pending appeal. In its ruling, the court wrote, "Although we must acknowledge that this appeal’s exigency has left us little time to review the record, we conclude that, though the plaintiffs’ arguments and the district court’s analysis are not without weaknesses, the defendants have not met their burden of making a “strong showing” of likely success on the merits."[80] The Fifth Circuit's ruling also directed "the Clerk to issue an expedited briefing schedule and to calendar this matter for argument before the next available randomly selected merits panel that is already scheduled to hear arguments during the week of July 4, 2022...it is feasible that the merits panel, conducting a less-rushed examination of the record in the light of differently framed arguments, may well side with the defendants."[80]

District court overturns congressional map

On June 6, 2022, the United States District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana struck down the state's congressional district map and enjoined the state from using the districts for the 2022 elections. The court's order said, "The appropriate remedy in this context is a remedial congressional redistricting plan that includes an additional majority-Black congressional district. The United States Supreme Court instructs that the Legislature should have the first opportunity to draw that plan. Therefore, the Court ORDERS the Louisiana Legislature to enact a remedial plan on or before June 20, 2022. If the Legislature is unable to pass a remedial plan by that date, the Court will issue additional orders to enact a remedial plan."[81] On June 6, 2022, Louisiana Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin (R), Louisiana Attorney General Jeff Landry (R), and the Republican majority leaders of the Louisiana legislature appealed the district court's decision to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit.

Plaintiffs file lawsuit against congressional map

On March 30, 2022, nine Louisiana voters, the Power Coalition for Equity and Justice, and the Louisiana chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) filed a lawsuit in federal district court against the state's enacted congressional district boundaries. The plaintiffs argued that "The 2022 congressional map dilutes Black voting strength in violation of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 ('VRA') by 'packing' large numbers of Black voters into a single majority-Black congressional district, and 'cracking' the State’s remaining Black voters among the five remaining districts, where they constitute an ineffective minority unable to participate equally in the electoral process."[82] The plaintiffs asked that the court declare the enacted boundaries as unconstitutional, enjoin the secretary of state from using the map in the 2022 elections, and order the state to adopt a congressional redistricting plan that provided "two congressional districts in which Black Louisianans have an opportunity to elect candidates of their choice"[82]


Background

This section includes background information on federal requirements for congressional redistricting, state legislative redistricting, state-based requirements, redistricting methods used in the 50 states, gerrymandering, and recent court decisions.

Federal requirements for congressional redistricting

According to Article I, Section 4 of the United States Constitution, the states and their legislatures have primary authority in determining the "times, places, and manner" of congressional elections. Congress may also pass laws regulating congressional elections.[83][84]

The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.[10]
—United States Constitution

Article I, Section 2 of the United States Constitution stipulates that congressional representatives be apportioned to the states on the basis of population. There are 435 seats in the United States House of Representatives. Each state is allotted a portion of these seats based on the size of its population relative to the other states. Consequently, a state may gain seats in the House if its population grows or lose seats if its population decreases, relative to populations in other states. In 1964, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Wesberry v. Sanders that the populations of House districts must be equal "as nearly as practicable."[85][86][87]

The equal population requirement for congressional districts is strict. According to All About Redistricting, "Any district with more or fewer people than the average (also known as the 'ideal' population), must be specifically justified by a consistent state policy. And even consistent policies that cause a 1 percent spread from largest to smallest district will likely be unconstitutional."[87]

Federal requirements for state legislative redistricting

The United States Constitution is silent on the issue of state legislative redistricting. In the mid-1960s, the United States Supreme Court issued a series of rulings in an effort to clarify standards for state legislative redistricting. In Reynolds v. Sims, the court ruled that "the Equal Protection Clause [of the United States Constitution] demands no less than substantially equal state legislative representation for all citizens, of all places as well as of all races." According to All About Redistricting, "it has become accepted that a [redistricting] plan will be constitutionally suspect if the largest and smallest districts [within a state or jurisdiction] are more than 10 percent apart."[87]

State-based requirements

In addition to the federal criteria noted above, individual states may impose additional requirements on redistricting. Common state-level redistricting criteria are listed below.

  1. Contiguity refers to the principle that all areas within a district should be physically adjacent. A total of 49 states require that districts of at least one state legislative chamber be contiguous (Nevada has no such requirement, imposing no requirements on redistricting beyond those enforced at the federal level). A total of 23 states require that congressional districts meet contiguity requirements.[87][88]
  2. Compactness refers to the general principle that the constituents within a district should live as near to one another as practicable. A total of 37 states impose compactness requirements on state legislative districts; 18 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[87][88]
  3. A community of interest is defined by FairVote as a "group of people in a geographical area, such as a specific region or neighborhood, who have common political, social or economic interests." A total of 24 states require that the maintenance of communities of interest be considered in the drawing of state legislative districts. A total of 13 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[87][88]
  4. A total of 42 states require that state legislative district lines be drawn to account for political boundaries (e.g., the limits of counties, cities, and towns). A total of 19 states require that similar considerations be made in the drawing of congressional districts.[87][88]

Methods

In general, a state's redistricting authority can be classified as one of the following:[89]

  1. Legislature-dominant: In a legislature-dominant state, the legislature retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. Maps enacted by the legislature may or may not be subject to gubernatorial veto. Advisory commissions may also be involved in the redistricting process, although the legislature is not bound to adopt an advisory commission's recommendations.
  2. Commission: In a commission state, an extra-legislative commission retains the ultimate authority to draft and enact district maps. A non-politician commission is one whose members cannot hold elective office. A politician commission is one whose members can hold elective office.
  3. Hybrid: In a hybrid state, the legislature shares redistricting authority with a commission.

Gerrymandering

In 1812, Massachusetts Governor Elbridge Gerry signed into law a state Senate district map that, according to the Encyclopædia Britannica, "consolidated the Federalist Party vote in a few districts and thus gave disproportionate representation to Democratic-Republicans." The word gerrymander was coined by The Boston Gazette to describe the district.
See also: Gerrymandering

The term gerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district lines to favor one political party, individual, or constituency over another. When used in a rhetorical manner by opponents of a particular district map, the term has a negative connotation but does not necessarily address the legality of a challenged map. The term can also be used in legal documents; in this context, the term describes redistricting practices that violate federal or state laws.[90][91]

For additional background information about gerrymandering, click "[Show more]" below.

Show more

The phrase racial gerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district lines to dilute the voting power of racial minority groups. Federal law prohibits racial gerrymandering and establishes that, to combat this practice and to ensure compliance with the Voting Rights Act, states and jurisdictions can create majority-minority electoral districts. A majority-minority district is one in which a racial group or groups comprise a majority of the district's populations. Racial gerrymandering and majority-minority districts are discussed in greater detail in this article.[92]

The phrase partisan gerrymandering refers to the practice of drawing electoral district maps with the intention of favoring one political party over another. In contrast with racial gerrymandering, on which the Supreme Court of the United States has issued rulings in the past affirming that such practices violate federal law, the high court had not, as of November 2017, issued a ruling establishing clear precedent on the question of partisan gerrymandering. Although the court has granted in past cases that partisan gerrymandering can violate the United States Constitution, it has never adopted a standard for identifying or measuring partisan gerrymanders. Partisan gerrymandering is described in greater detail in this article.[93][94]

Recent court decisions

See also: Redistricting cases heard by the Supreme Court of the United States

The Supreme Court of the United States has, in recent years, issued several decisions dealing with redistricting policy, including rulings relating to the consideration of race in drawing district maps, the use of total population tallies in apportionment, and the constitutionality of redistricting commissions. The rulings in these cases, which originated in a variety of states, impact redistricting processes across the nation.

For additional background information about these cases, click "[Show more]" below.

Show more

Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP (2024)

See also: Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP

Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP — This case concerns a challenge to the congressional redistricting plan that the South Carolina legislature enacted after the 2020 census. In January 2023, a federal three-judge panel ruled that the state's 1st Congressional District was unconstitutional and enjoined the state from conducting future elections using its district boundaries. The panel's opinion said, "The Court finds that race was the predominant factor motivating the General Assembly’s adoption of Congressional District No. 1...Defendants have made no showing that they had a compelling state interest in the use of race in the design of Congressional District No. 1 and thus cannot survive a strict scrutiny review."[95] Thomas Alexander (R)—in his capacity as South Carolina State Senate president—appealed the federal court's ruling, arguing: :In striking down an isolated portion of South Carolina Congressional District 1 as a racial gerrymander, the panel never even mentioned the presumption of the General Assembly’s “good faith.”...The result is a thinly reasoned order that presumes bad faith, erroneously equates the purported racial effect of a single line in Charleston County with racial predominance across District 1, and is riddled with “legal mistake[s]” that improperly relieved Plaintiffs of their “demanding” burden to prove that race was the “predominant consideration” in District 1.[96] The U.S. Supreme Court scheduled oral argument on this case for October 11, 2023.[97]

Moore v. Harper (2023)

See also: Moore v. Harper

At issue in Moore v. Harper, was whether state legislatures alone are empowered by the Constitution to regulate federal elections without oversight from state courts, which is known as the independent state legislature doctrine. On November 4, 2021, the North Carolina General Assembly adopted a new congressional voting map based on 2020 Census data. The legislature, at that time, was controlled by the Republican Party. In the case Harper v. Hall (2022), a group of Democratic Party-affiliated voters and nonprofit organizations challenged the map in state court, alleging that the new map was a partisan gerrymander that violated the state constitution.[98] On February 14, 2022, the North Carolina Supreme Court ruled that the state could not use the map in the 2022 elections and remanded the case to the trial court for further proceedings. The trial court adopted a new congressional map drawn by three court-appointed experts. The United States Supreme Court affirmed the North Carolina Supreme Court's original decision in Moore v. Harper that the state's congressional district map violated state law. In a 6-3 decision, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote that the "Elections Clause does not vest exclusive and independent authority in state legislatures to set the rules regarding federal elections.[99]

Merrill v. Milligan (2023)

See also: Merrill v. Milligan

At issue in Merrill v. Milligan, was the constitutionality of Alabama's 2021 redistricting plan and whether it violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. A group of Alabama voters and organizations sued Secretary of State John Merrill (R) and the House and Senate redistricting chairmen, Rep. Chris Pringle (R) and Sen. Jim McClendon (R). Plaintiffs alleged the congressional map enacted on Nov. 4, 2021, by Gov. Kay Ivey (R) unfairly distributed Black voters. The plaintiffs asked the lower court to invalidate the enacted congressional map and order a new map with instructions to include a second majority-Black district. The court ruled 5-4, affirming the lower court opinion that the plaintiffs showed a reasonable likelihood of success concerning their claim that Alabama's redistricting map violated Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act.[100]

Gill v. Whitford (2018)

See also: Gill v. Whitford

In Gill v. Whitford, decided on June 18, 2018, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled that the plaintiffs—12 Wisconsin Democrats who alleged that Wisconsin's state legislative district plan had been subject to an unconstitutional gerrymander in violation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments—had failed to demonstrate standing under Article III of the United States Constitution to bring a complaint. The court's opinion, penned by Chief Justice John Roberts, did not address the broader question of whether partisan gerrymandering claims are justiciable and remanded the case to the district court for further proceedings. Roberts was joined in the majority opinion by Associate Justices Anthony Kennedy, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Samuel Alito, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan. Kagan penned a concurring opinion joined by Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor. Associate Justice Clarence Thomas penned an opinion that concurred in part with the majority opinion and in the judgment, joined by Associate Justice Neil Gorsuch.[101]

Cooper v. Harris (2017)

See also: Cooper v. Harris

In Cooper v. Harris, decided on May 22, 2017, the Supreme Court of the United States affirmed the judgment of the United States District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina, finding that two of North Carolina's congressional districts, the boundaries of which had been set following the 2010 United States Census, had been subject to an illegal racial gerrymander in violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Justice Elena Kagan delivered the court's majority opinion, which was joined by Justices Clarence Thomas, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, and Sonia Sotomayor (Thomas also filed a separate concurring opinion). In the court's majority opinion, Kagan described the two-part analysis utilized by the high court when plaintiffs allege racial gerrymandering as follows: "First, the plaintiff must prove that 'race was the predominant factor motivating the legislature's decision to place a significant number of voters within or without a particular district.' ... Second, if racial considerations predominated over others, the design of the district must withstand strict scrutiny. The burden shifts to the State to prove that its race-based sorting of voters serves a 'compelling interest' and is 'narrowly tailored' to that end." In regard to the first part of the aforementioned analysis, Kagan went on to note that "a plaintiff succeeds at this stage even if the evidence reveals that a legislature elevated race to the predominant criterion in order to advance other goals, including political ones." Justice Samuel Alito delivered an opinion that concurred in part and dissented in part with the majority opinion. This opinion was joined by Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Anthony Kennedy.[102][103][104]

Evenwel v. Abbott (2016)

See also: Evenwel v. Abbott

Evenwel v. Abbott was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2016. At issue was the constitutionality of state legislative districts in Texas. The plaintiffs, Sue Evenwel and Edward Pfenninger, argued that district populations ought to take into account only the number of registered or eligible voters residing within those districts as opposed to total population counts, which are generally used for redistricting purposes. Total population tallies include non-voting residents, such as immigrants residing in the country without legal permission, prisoners, and children. The plaintiffs alleged that this tabulation method dilutes the voting power of citizens residing in districts that are home to smaller concentrations of non-voting residents. The court ruled 8-0 on April 4, 2016, that a state or locality can use total population counts for redistricting purposes. The majority opinion was penned by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.[105][106][9][107]

Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2016)

Justice Stephen Breyer penned the majority opinion in Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission.
See also: Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission

Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2016. At issue was the constitutionality of state legislative districts that were created by the commission in 2012. The plaintiffs, a group of Republican voters, alleged that "the commission diluted or inflated the votes of almost two million Arizona citizens when the commission intentionally and systematically overpopulated 16 Republican districts while under-populating 11 Democrat districts." This, the plaintiffs argued, constituted a partisan gerrymander. The plaintiffs claimed that the commission placed a disproportionately large number of non-minority voters in districts dominated by Republicans; meanwhile, the commission allegedly placed many minority voters in smaller districts that tended to vote Democratic. As a result, the plaintiffs argued, more voters overall were placed in districts favoring Republicans than in those favoring Democrats, thereby diluting the votes of citizens in the Republican-dominated districts. The defendants countered that the population deviations resulted from legally defensible efforts to comply with the Voting Rights Act and obtain approval from the United States Department of Justice. At the time of redistricting, certain states were required to obtain preclearance from the U.S. Department of Justice before adopting redistricting plans or making other changes to their election laws—a requirement struck down by the United States Supreme Court in Shelby County v. Holder (2013). On April 20, 2016, the court ruled unanimously that the plaintiffs had failed to prove that a partisan gerrymander had taken place. Instead, the court found that the commission had acted in good faith to comply with the Voting Rights Act. The court's majority opinion was penned by Justice Stephen Breyer.[108][109][110]

Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2015)

See also: Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission
Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2015. At issue was the constitutionality of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, which was established by state constitutional amendment in 2000. According to Article I, Section 4 of the United States Constitution, "the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof." The state legislature argued that the use of the word "legislature" in this context is literal; therefore, only a state legislature may draw congressional district lines. Meanwhile, the commission contended that the word "legislature" ought to be interpreted to mean "the legislative powers of the state," including voter initiatives and referenda. On June 29, 2015, the court ruled 5-4 in favor of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, finding that "redistricting is a legislative function, to be performed in accordance with the state's prescriptions for lawmaking, which may include the referendum and the governor's veto." The majority opinion was penned by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and joined by Justices Anthony Kennedy, Stephen Breyer, Elena Kagan, and Sonia Sotomayor. Chief Justice John Roberts and Justices Clarence Thomas, Antonin Scalia, and Samuel Alito dissented.[111][112][113][114]

Trifectas and redistricting

In 34 of the states that conducted legislative elections in 2020, the legislatures themselves played a significant part in the subsequent redistricting process. The winner of eight of 2020's gubernatorial elections had veto authority over state legislative or congressional district plans approved by legislatures. The party that won trifecta control of a state in which redistricting authority rests with the legislature directed the process that produces the maps that will be used for the remainder of the decade. Trifecta shifts in the 2010 election cycle illustrate this point. In 2010, 12 states in which legislatures had authority over redistricting saw shifts in trifecta status. Prior to the 2010 elections, seven of these states were Democratic trifectas; the rest were divided governments. After the 2010 elections, seven of these states became Republican trifectas; the remainder either remained or became divided governments. The table below details these shifts and charts trifecta status heading into the 2020 election cycle.

The 12 legislature-redistricting states that saw trifecta shifts in 2010 – subsequent trifecta status
State Primary redistricting authority Pre-2010 trifecta status Post-2010 trifecta status Post-2018 trifecta status
Alabama Legislature Divided Republican Republican
Colorado Congressional maps: legislature
State legislative maps: politician commission
Democratic Divided Democratic
Indiana Legislature Divided Republican Republican
Iowa Legislature Democratic Divided Republican
Maine Legislature Democratic Republican Democratic
Michigan Legislature Divided Republican Divided
New Hampshire Legislature Democratic Divided Divided
North Carolina Legislature Democratic Divided Divided
Ohio Congressional maps: legislature
State legislative maps: politician commission
Divided Republican Republican
Oregon Legislature Democratic Divided Democratic
Pennsylvania Congressional maps: legislature
State legislative maps: politician commission
Divided Republican Divided
Wisconsin Legislature Democratic Republican Divided

See also

External links

Footnotes

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  2. Louisiana Illuminator, "U.S. Supreme Court punts Louisiana redistricting case to next term," June 27, 2025
  3. United States Court of Appeals, Fifth Circuit Office of the Clerk, "Scheduling Notice," October 23, 2024
  4. Louisiana Illuminator, "U.S. Supreme Court punts Louisiana redistricting case to next term," June 27, 2025
  5. Louisiana Illuminator, "U.S. Supreme Court sets date for Louisiana redistricting case rehearing," August 13, 2025
  6. NBC News, "Supreme Court wrestles with Louisiana racial gerrymandering claim," March 24, 2025
  7. 7.0 7.1 SCOTUSblog, "Supreme Court will hear case on second majority-Black district in Louisiana redistricting," November 4, 2024
  8. 8.0 8.1 The American Redistricting Project, "Louisiana v. Callais," November 4, 2024
  9. 9.0 9.1 9.2 SCOTUSblog, "Court allows Louisiana to move forward with two majority-Black districts," May 15, 2024 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "scotusblog" defined multiple times with different content
  10. 10.0 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributable to the original source.
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