Redistricting in Indiana

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Redistricting in Indiana
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General information
Current legislative control:
Republican
Congressional process:
State legislature[1]
State legislature process:
State legislature
Total seats
Congress: 9
State Senate: 50
State House: 100
Redistricting in other states
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RedistrictingState-by-state redistricting proceduresState legislative and congressional redistricting after the 2010 Census
Redistricting is the process by which new congressional and state legislative district boundaries are drawn. Each of Indiana's nine United States Representatives and 150 state legislators are elected from political divisions called districts. United States Senators are not elected by districts, but by the states at large. District lines are redrawn every 10 years following completion of the United States Census. The federal government stipulates that districts must have nearly equal populations and must not discriminate on the basis of race or ethnicity.

Redistricting is a fiercely-contested issue, primarily due to gerrymandering, the practice of drawing district lines to favor one political party, individual or constituency over another. Two areas of contention include the following:

Competitiveness: Political parties or incumbents sometimes draw district lines for their benefit at the expense of proportionality and fair representation. Some argue that this practice contributes to the present lack of competitive elections. Uncompetitive elections can in turn discourage participation.[2]
Race and ethnicity: District lines sometimes minimize the influence of minority voters by disproportionately consolidating them within single districts or splitting them across several districts. These practices are examples of "packing" and "cracking," respectively.[2][3][4][5]
In Indiana, the state legislature is primarily responsible for drawing congressional and state legislative district lines. In 2014, all but one election for the United States House of Representatives in Indiana was won by a margin of victory of 20 percent of greater. The smallest margin of victory was 13 percent. An election is considered competitive if the margin of victory is 5 percent or less.

Background

See also: Redistricting

Federal law stipulates that all districts, whether congressional or state legislative, must meet two primary criteria.

  1. Equal population: According to All About Redistricting, federal law "requires that each district have about the same population: each federal district within a state must have about the same number of people [and] each state district within a state must have about the same number of people." Specific standards for determining whether populations are sufficiently equal vary for congressional and state legislative districts. See below for further details.[6]
  2. Race and ethnicity: Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 states that district lines must not dilute the voting power of racial or ethnic minority groups. This provision "applies whether the denial is intentional, or an unintended end result. Courts essentially test whether the way that districts are drawn takes decisive political power away from a cohesive minority bloc otherwise at risk for discrimination."[6]

In most states, the legislatures are primarily responsible for both congressional and state legislative redistricting. However, reformers argue that partisan legislators are incapable of establishing fair district lines because they have a vested interest in the outcome. Instead, reformers advocate using different redistricting processes, including independent commissions or electronic methods. Opponents of these reforms argue that alternative processes are less accountable to voters, subject to partisan abuse, and perhaps unconstitutional.

State requirements

"Gerrymandering"

In addition to the federal criteria noted above, individual states may impose additional requirements on redistricting. Common state-level redistricting criteria are listed below. Typically, these requirements are quite flexible.

  1. Contiguity refers to the principle that all areas within a district should be "physically adjacent." A total of 49 states require that districts of at least one state legislative chamber be contiguous. A total of 23 states require that congressional districts meet contiguity requirements.[6][7]
  2. Compactness refers to the general principle that "the distance between all parts of a district" ought to be minimized. The United States Supreme Court has "construed compactness to indicate that residents have some sort of cultural cohesion in common." A total of 37 states "require their legislative districts to be reasonably compact." A total of 18 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[6][7]
  3. A community of interest is a "group of people in a geographical area, such as a specific region or neighborhood, who have common political, social or economic interests." A total of 24 states require that the maintenance of communities of interest be considered in the drawing of state legislative districts. A total of 13 states impose similar requirements for congressional districts.[6][7]
  4. A total of 42 states require that state legislative district lines be drawn to account for political boundaries (e.g., the limits of counties, cities and towns). A total of 19 states require that similar considerations be made in the drawing of congressional districts.[6][7]

Congressional redistricting

According to Article 1, Section 4, of the United States Constitution, the states and their legislatures have primary authority in determining the "times, places and manner" of congressional elections. Congress may also pass laws regulating congressional elections. Section 4 explicitly vests the authority to regulate congressional elections with the legislative branches of the states and the federal government and not with the executive or judicial branches.[8][9]

The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.[10]

—United States Constitution

Article 1, Section 2, of the United States Constitution stipulates that congressional representatives be apportioned to the states on the basis of population. There are 435 seats in the United States House of Representatives. Each state is allotted a portion of these seats based on the size of its population relative to the other states. Consequently, a state may gain seats in the House if its population grows, or lose seats if its population decreases, relative to populations in other states. In 1964, the United States Supreme Court ruled in Wesberry v. Sanders that the populations of House districts must be equal "as nearly as practicable."[11][12][6]

The equal population requirement for congressional districts is strict. According to All About Redistricting, "any district with more or fewer people than the average (also known as the 'ideal' population), must be specifically justified by a consistent state policy. And even consistent policies that cause a 1 percent spread from largest to smallest district will likely be unconstitutional."[6]

State legislative redistricting

The United States Constitution is silent on the issue of state legislative redistricting. In the mid-1960s, the United States Supreme Court issued a series of rulings in an effort to clarify standards for state legislative redistricting. In Reynolds v. Sims, the court ruled that "the Equal Protection Clause [of the United States Constitution] demands no less than substantially equal state legislative representation for all citizens, of all places as well as of all races." According to All About Redistricting, "it has become accepted that a [redistricting] plan will be constitutionally suspect if the largest and smallest districts [within a state or jurisdiction] are more than 10 percent apart."

State process

See also: State-by-state redistricting procedures

In 37 states, legislatures are primarily responsible for drawing congressional district lines. Seven states have only one congressional district each, so congressional redistricting is not necessary. Four states employ independent commissions to draw the district maps. In two states, politician commissions draw congressional district lines.

State legislative district lines are primarily the province of the state legislatures themselves in 37 states. In seven states, politician commissions draw state legislative district lines. In the remaining six states, independent commissions draw the lines.[13]

The Indiana State Legislature is responsible for drawing both congressional and state legislative district lines. The legislature must approve a redistricting plan by the close of the first legislative session occurring after completion of the United States Census. The governor may veto the lines drawn by the state legislature.[14][15]

In the event that both chambers of the state legislature do not approve a congressional redistricting plan, a backup commission must draw the lines. The commission comprises the following members:[15]

  1. Speaker of the House
  2. President Pro Tempore of the Senate
  3. Chair of the Elections Committee, Indiana State Senate
  4. Chair of the Elections and Apportionment Committee, Indiana House of Representatives
  5. A gubernatorial appointment

The Indiana Constitution mandates that state legislative districts be contiguous. There are no such requirements for congressional district lines.[14]

District maps

Congressional districts

See also: United States congressional delegations from Indiana
Click the above image to enlarge it.
Source: The National Atlas of the United States of America

Indiana comprises nine congressional districts. The map to the right depicts Indiana's congressional district lines as drawn following the 2010 United States Census. The table below lists Indiana's current House representatives.

Indiana delegation to the United States House of Representatives
NamePartyPositionAssumed officeTerm ends
Andre CarsonDemocratic PartyDistrict 7 2008January 3, 2017
Jackie WalorskiRepublican PartyDistrict 2 2013January 3, 2017
Larry BucshonRepublican PartyDistrict 8 2011January 3, 2017
Luke MesserRepublican PartyDistrict 6 2013January 3, 2017
Marlin A. StutzmanRepublican PartyDistrict 3 2010January 3, 2017
Peter J. ViscloskyDemocratic PartyDistrict 1 1985January 3, 2017
Susan BrooksRepublican PartyDistrict 5 2013January 3, 2017
Todd RokitaRepublican PartyDistrict 4 2011January 3, 2017
Todd C. YoungRepublican PartyDistrict 9 2011January 3, 2017

State legislative maps

See also: Indiana State Senate and Indiana House of Representatives

Indiana comprises 50 state Senate districts and 100 state House districts. State senators are elected every four years in partisan elections. State representatives are elected every two years in partisan elections. The maps below detail the state legislative district lines adopted after the 2010 United States Census. The map on the left depicts House districts, while the map on the right depicts Senate districts.

Click the above image to enlarge it.
Indiana House of Representatives districts, adopted 2011
Click the above image to enlarge it.
Indiana State Senate districts, adopted 2011

Competitiveness

There are conflicting opinions regarding the correlation between partisan gerrymandering and electoral competitiveness. Some critics contend that the dominant redistricting methods result in a lack of competitive elections. Jennifer Clark, a political science professor at the University of Houston, said, "The redistricting process has important consequences for voters. In some states, incumbent legislators work together to protect their own seats, which produces less competition in the political system. Voters may feel as though they do not have a meaningful alternative to the incumbent legislator. Legislators who lack competition in their districts have less incentive to adhere to their constituents’ opinions."[16]

Some question the impact of redistricting on electoral competitiveness. In 2006, Emory University professors Alan Abramowitz, Brad Alexander and Matthew Gunning wrote, "[Some] studies have concluded that redistricting has a neutral or positive effect on competition. ... [It] is often the case that partisan redistricting has the effect of reducing the safety of incumbents, thereby making elections more competitive."[17]

The individuals involved in redistricting must balance the desire for increased competitiveness with other principles that might conflict with that goal, such as compactness, contiguity, and maintaining communities of interest. For instance, it may at times be impossible to draw a competitive district that is both compact and preserves communities of interest.

In 2011, James Cottrill, a professor of political science at Santa Clara University, published a study of the effect of "non-legislative approaches" to redistricting on the competitiveness of congressional elections. Cottrill found that "particular types of [non-legislative approaches] encourage the appearance in congressional elections of experienced and well-financed challengers." Cottrill cautioned, however, that non-legislative approaches "contribute neither to decreased vote percentages when incumbents win elections nor to a greater probability of their defeat."[18]

Congress

CongressLogo.png
See also: Margin of victory analysis for the 2014 congressional elections

In 2014, Ballotpedia analyzed the margins of victory in all 435 contests for the United States House of Representatives. Ballotpedia found that the average margin of victory was 35.8 percent, compared to 31.8 percent in 2012. An election is deemed competitive if it was won by a margin of victory of 5 percent or less. A total of 318 elections (73 percent of all House elections) were won by margins of victory of 20 percent or more. Only 26 elections (6 percent of the total) were won by margins of victory of 5 percent or less. See the table below for further details.

Note: The data below are provided only for informational purposes. It should be noted that there are conflicting opinions regarding the correlation between redistricting and competitiveness. A variety of factors at the local, state and federal levels can impact electoral competitiveness.

In Indiana, all but one election for the United States House of Representatives was won by a margin of 20 percent or greater. The smallest margin of victory occurred in the District 7, where Andre Carson (D) won by 13 percent. The greatest margin of victory occurred in the District 3, where Marlin Stutzman won by 39 percent. The average margin of victory was 28 percent. See the table below for full details.

Electoral margins of victory in 2014 United States House of Representatives elections, Indiana
District Winner Margin of victory Total votes cast Top opponent
District 1 Democratic Party Peter Visclosky 25% 142,293 Mark Leyva
District 2 Republican Party Jackie Walorski 20.7% 145,200 Joe Bock
District 3 Republican Party Marlin Stutzman 39.1% 148,793 Justin Kuhnle
District 4 Republican Party Todd Rokita 33.7% 142,054 John Dale
District 5 Republican Party Susan Brooks 34.4% 161,440 Shawn Denney
District 6 Republican Party Luke Messer 36.5% 155,071 Susan Hall Heitzman
District 7 Democratic Party Andre Carson 13% 112,261 Catherine Ping
District 8 Republican Party Larry Bucshon 24.5% 171,315 Tom Spangler
District 9 Republican Party Todd Young 28.5% 163,387 Bill Bailey

State legislatures

See also: Margin of victory in state legislative elections

In 2014, Ballotpedia conducted a study of competitive districts in 44 state legislative chambers between 2010 and 2012. Ballotpedia found that there were 61 fewer competitive general election contests in 2012 than in 2010. Of the 44 chambers studied, 25 experienced a net loss in the number of competitive elections. A total of 17 experienced a net increase. In total, 16.2 percent of the 3,842 legislative contests studied saw competitive general elections in 2010. In 2012, only 14.6 percent of the contests studied saw competitive general elections. An election was considered competitive if it was won by a margin of victory of 5 percent or less. An election was considered mildly competitive if it was won by a margin of victory between 5 and 10 percent. For more information regarding this report, including methodology, click here.

Note: These data are provided only for informational purposes. It should be noted that there are conflicting opinions regarding the correlation between redistricting and competitiveness. A variety of factors at the local, state and federal levels can impact electoral competitiveness.

There were only 9 competitive races for the Indiana House of Representatives in 2012, compared to 12 in 2010. There were 12 mildly competitive House races in 2012, compared to 10 in 2010. This amounted to a net loss of one competitive election.

Partisan composition

The tables below summarize the current partisan composition of the Indiana House of Representatives and the Indiana State Senate.

House

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Party As of May 2015
     Democratic Party 29
     Republican Party 71
Total 100

Senate

Party As of May 2015
     Democratic Party 10
     Republican Party 40
Total 50


Race and ethnicity

See also: Majority-minority districts

Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 mandates that electoral district lines cannot be drawn in such a manner as to "improperly dilute minorities' voting power."

No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color.[10]

—Voting Rights Act of 1965[19]

States and other political subdivisions may create majority-minority districts in order to comply with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. A majority-minority district is a district in which minority groups comprise a majority of the district's total population. As of 2013, Indiana was home to no congressional majority-minority districts.[3][4][5]

Proponents of majority-minority districts maintain that these districts are a necessary hindrance to the practice of "cracking." Cracking occurs when a constituency is divided between several districts in order to prevent it from achieving a majority in any one district. In addition, supporters argue that the drawing of majority-minority districts has resulted in an increased number of minority representatives in state legislatures and Congress.[3][4][5]

Critics, meanwhile, contend that the establishment of majority-minority districts results in "packing." Packing occurs when a constituency or voting group is placed within a single district, thereby minimizing its influence in other districts. Because minority groups tend to vote Democratic, critics argue that majority-minority districts ultimately present an unfair advantage to Republicans by consolidating Democratic votes into a smaller number of districts.[3][4][5]

Demographics

See also: Demographics of congressional districts as of 2013 and Demographics of congressional districts as of 2013 (as percentages)

The tables below provide demographic information for each of Indiana's congressional districts as of 2013. At that time, the population of the largest congressional district, Indiana's 5th Congressional District, totaled 730,100, and the population of the smallest, Indiana's 1st Congressional District, totaled 719,598, which represented a difference of 1.5 percent.[20]

Demographics of Indiana's congressional districts (as percentages)
District Hispanic White Black Native
American
Asian Pacific
Islander
Other Multiple
races
Indiana 6.15% 81.14% 8.97% 0.18% 1.64% 0.02% 0.14% 1.74%
District 1 14.1% 63.6% 19.4% 0.2% 1.2% 0.1% 0.1% 1.3%
District 2 8.5% 81.5% 6.7% 0.3% 1.1% 0% 0.1% 1.7%
District 3 5.6% 84.6% 6% 0.2% 1.6% 0% 0.1% 1.8%
District 4 5.4% 87.3% 3.4% 0.1% 2.3% 0% 0.1% 1.3%
District 5 4.2% 82.5% 7.8% 0.1% 2.9% 0% 0.2% 2.2%
District 6 2.4% 92.5% 2.1% 0.2% 1% 0% 0.1% 1.7%
District 7 10% 56.4% 28.7% 0.2% 2% 0% 0.3% 2.4%
District 8 2.1% 91.3% 4% 0.2% 0.8% 0% 0% 1.6%
District 9 3% 90.6% 2.5% 0.2% 1.9% 0% 0.1% 1.7%
Source: United States Census Bureau, "2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates," accessed April 8, 2015
Demographics of Indiana's congressional districts
District Hispanic White Black Native
American
Asian Pacific
Islander
Other Multiple
races
Total
Indiana 400,788 5,286,405 584,570 12,023 106,770 1,538 9,396 113,371 6,514,861
District 1 101,418 457,816 139,325 1,588 8,927 404 840 9,280 719,598
District 2 61,440 587,172 48,438 2,102 7,740 252 761 12,272 720,177
District 3 40,249 612,452 43,614 1,480 11,806 128 1,068 12,989 723,786
District 4 39,467 634,292 24,348 1,008 16,800 128 1,019 9,520 726,582
District 5 31,011 602,636 56,782 921 20,863 84 1,576 16,227 730,100
District 6 17,202 666,672 15,463 1,120 7,042 172 797 12,445 720,913
District 7 73,006 410,759 209,135 1,371 14,351 112 2,040 17,291 728,065
District 8 15,201 657,804 29,049 1,231 5,702 206 331 11,247 720,771
District 9 21,794 656,802 18,416 1,202 13,539 52 964 12,100 724,869
Source: United States Census Bureau, "2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates," accessed April 8, 2015

Redistricting after the 2010 census

See also: Redistricting in Indiana after the 2010 census

Following the 2010 United States Census, Indiana neither gained nor lost congressional seats. The Indiana State Legislature released proposed district maps on April 11, 2011. At the time, Republicans held majorities in both chambers of the legislature. On April 20, 2011, both the Indiana State Senate and the Indiana House of Representatives approved their respective redistricting proposals. Concurrence votes followed, and on May 10, 2011, Governor Mitch Daniels (R) signed the legislature's redistricting plan into law. Indiana completed its redistricting process sooner than the vast majority of states (only Iowa and Louisiana completed their maps before Indiana).[21][22][23]

Redistricting after the 2000 census

Following the 2000 United States Census, Indiana lost one congressional seat, which "required significant changes in district lines." At the time, Democrats held a majority in the Indiana House of Representatives and Republicans held the Indiana State Senate. Governor Frank O'Bannon was a Democrat. The House and Senate were unable to agree on a congressional redistricting plan, thereby necessitating the formation of a backup commission to draw congressional district lines. The commission comprised three Democrats and two Republicans. Consequently, in May 2001, "the commission adopted a plan largely identical to the one passed by the state House." In 2001, Democrats held four congressional seats. Following the 2010 election, the last to take place under the district lines established in 2001, Democrats held only three congressional seats.[24]

Redistricting ballot measures

Voting on
elections and campaigns
Campaignsandelections.jpg
Ballot measures
By state
By year
Not on ballot
See also: Redistricting measures on the ballot and List of Indiana ballot measures

Ballotpedia has tracked no ballot measures relating to redistricting in Indiana.

Recent news

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See also

External links

Additional reading

References

  1. A backup commission draws congressional district lines if the state legislature cannot pass a plan.
  2. 2.0 2.1 All About Redistricting, "Why does it matter?" accessed April 8, 2015
  3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Indy Week, "Cracked, stacked and packed: Initial redistricting maps met with skepticism and dismay," June 29, 2011
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 The Atlantic, "How the Voting Rights Act Hurts Democrats and Minorities," June 17, 2013
  5. 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 Redrawing the Lines, "The Role of Section 2 - Majority Minority Districts," accessed April 6, 2015
  6. 6.0 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 All About Redistricting, "Where are the lines drawn?" accessed April 9, 2015
  7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 FairVote, "Redistricting Glossary," accessed April 9, 2015
  8. The Heritage Guide to the Constitution, "Election Regulations," accessed April 13, 2015
  9. Brookings, "Redistricting and the United States Constitution," March 22, 2011
  10. 10.0 10.1 Note: This text is quoted verbatim from the original source. Any inconsistencies are attributed to the original source.
  11. Brennan Center for Justice, "A Citizen's Guide to Redistricting," accessed March 25, 2015
  12. The Constitution of the United States of America, "Article 1, Section 2," accessed March 25, 2015
  13. All About Redistricting, "Who draws the lines?" accessed March 25, 2015
  14. 14.0 14.1 All About Redistricting, "Indiana," accessed April 6, 2015
  15. 15.0 15.1 Brennan Center for Justice, "Indiana," accessed April 6, 2015
  16. The Daily Cougar, "Redistricting will affect November election," October 16, 2012
  17. The Journal of Politics, "Incumbency, Redistricting, and the Decline of Competition in U.S. House Elections," February 2006
  18. Polity, "The Effects of Non-Legislative Approaches to Redistricting on Competition in Congressional Elections," October 3, 2011
  19. Yale Law School, The Avalon Project, "Voting Rights Act of 1965; August 6, 1965," accessed April 6, 2015
  20. United States Census Bureau, "2009-2013 American Community Survey 5-Year Estimates," accessed April 8, 2015
  21. Forbes, "Ind. gov signs 80 bills into law, including budget," May 11, 2011
  22. Evansville Courier and Press, "Indiana lawmakers unveil new draft of legislative maps," April 11, 2011
  23. WTHI TV, "Illinois loses seat to census, Indiana constant," December 21, 2010
  24. Barone, M. & McCutcheon, C. (2013). The almanac of American politics 2014 : the senators, the representatives and the governors : their records and election results, their states and districts. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.